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Pub Date: |
2013-02-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Research |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
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Descriptors:
Foreign Countries; National Surveys; Longitudinal Studies; Smoking; Mass Media; Taxes; Public Policy; Legislation; Adults; Adolescents; Educational Attainment; Age Differences; Health Promotion; Health Behavior; Behavior Change; Public Health; Program Implementation; Program Effectiveness
Abstract:
This study aimed to examine age and educational inequalities in smoking cessation due to the implementation of a tobacco tax increase, smoke-free legislation and a cessation campaign. Longitudinal data from 962 smokers aged 15 years and older were used from three survey waves of the International Tobacco Control (ITC) Netherlands Survey. The 2008 survey was performed before the implementation of the interventions and the 2009 and 2010 surveys were performed after the implementation. No significant age and educational differences in successful smoking cessation were found after the implementation of the three tobacco control interventions, although smokers aged 15-39 years were more likely to attempt to quit. Of the three population-level tobacco control interventions that were implemented simultaneously in the Netherlands, only the smoke-free legislation seemed to have increased quit attempts. The price increase of cigarettes may have been only effective in stimulating smoking cessation among younger smokers. Larger tax increases, stronger smoke-free legislation and media campaigns about the dangers of (second-hand) smoking are needed in the Netherlands.
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Pub Date: |
2013-01-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Reports - Evaluative |
Peer Reviewed: |
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Descriptors:
Evidence; Competition; School Choice; School District Size; Educational Policy; Policy Analysis; Measurement Techniques; Evaluation Criteria; School Districts; Computer Software; Program Evaluation; School Effectiveness; Taxes; Educational Finance; Free Enterprise System; Parent Attitudes; Selection Criteria; Evaluation Problems; Evaluation Methods
Abstract:
In this report the Brown Center on Education Policy at the Brookings Institution presents the results of a self-developed Education Choice and Competition Index (ECCI) along with an interactive application that grades large school districts according to the ECCI. The index is composed of 13 pro choice criteria. The authors present the ECCI as a new approach to education policy, but the ideas are not new. The report repeats many of the same arguments and logic found in other pro-market publications over the past 25 years. The sole unique recommendation is to permit "popularity" to serve as an adequate standard to judge school quality and a sufficient criterion by which to direct taxpayer dollars. Yet, this recommendation also hearkens back to previous calls, common in the 1990's, for unregulated school choice policies. The ECCI assumes benefits of market competition, but these benefits depend on how parents choose schools, and the report includes no research on how parents make school choice decisions. It is also devoid of any evidence that higher scores on the ECCI are related to the outcomes that the authors predict. In fact, the only large district with an "A" rating per the ECCI received a "D" according to its state accountability system. In essence, the report reads like an essay in support of free-market choice policies. Because of the dated assumptions and the subjective nature of the index, the study and its rankings fall short of being an effective policy tool. Notes and references are included.
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Full Text (615K)
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Author(s): |
Boerner, Heather |
Source: |
Community College Journal, v83 n4 p22-25 Feb-Mar 2013 |
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Pub Date: |
2013-00-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Descriptive |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
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Descriptors:
Community Colleges; Higher Education; Two Year Colleges; Taxes; Technical Institutes; Leadership; Leaders; Advocacy; Fund Raising; Federal Legislation
Abstract:
November 2012 was an anxious time for California community colleges. Proposition 30 promised to stop the bleeding of funds from the state's 112 two-year career and technical institutions--if voters would pass it. That was a big if, especially in California, where voters are notoriously tax averse. When the measure passed with 54 percent of the vote, California Community Colleges Chancellor Brice Harris attributed the victory, in part, to advocacy--on the part of the governor, who toured the state promoting the measure, students who registered and voted, and community college leaders. California's passage of Proposition 30 is but one example of how committed top-down advocacy can have an impact statewide. As budgets are slashed, community college leaders from coast to coast continue to fight for access and resources, pursuing causes and opportunities that promise to raise the profile of their colleges and further support the students and communities they are committed to serve. This article shares their stories.
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Pub Date: |
2012-10-14 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Descriptive |
Peer Reviewed: |
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Descriptors:
Higher Education; Educational Finance; Taxes; Federal Aid; State Aid
Abstract:
Higher education pays off handsomely for society. Yet on a nationwide basis, states' support for higher education per full-time-equivalent student has fallen to just $6,290, the lowest in 15 years. A dedicated source of funds for higher education is problematic. But what if state and federal lawmakers applied the impeccable logic of the gas tax to develop a consensus for a higher-education support strategy? For good measure, what if that gas-tax-style consensus also reflected the highest national priorities, like assuring that needy students aren't shut out of college because of their own or the institutions' financial strains, and holding colleges accountable for better educating students while keeping costs in check? It's a tall order, with as many paths to a solution as there are lawmakers, lobbyists, and advocates. The author discusses three principles that should be part of the considerations.
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Pub Date: |
2012-12-09 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Descriptive |
Peer Reviewed: |
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Descriptors:
College Presidents; Compensation (Remuneration); Fringe Benefits; Private Colleges; Taxes; Higher Education; Retirement Benefits
Abstract:
Private-college presidents often draw scrutiny for their hefty compensation packages, but most of them have a ready comeback: I could make a lot more money in the corporate world. While this statement is surely sometimes true, it is also true that some of the nation's top-paid presidents continue to receive perks that their corporate counterparts have relinquished under shareholder criticism. Among the 50 highest-paid private-college presidents in 2010, half led institutions that provided top executives with cash to cover taxes on bonuses and other benefits, a "Chronicle" analysis has found. This practice, known as "grossing up," has fallen out of fashion at many publicly traded companies, where boards have decided the perk is simply not worth the shareholder outrage it can invite. The author reports on how pay and perks creep up for private-college presidents.
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Author(s): |
Turner, Nicholas |
Source: |
Economics of Education Review, v31 n4 p463-481 Aug 2012 |
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Pub Date: |
2012-08-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Evaluative |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
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Descriptors:
Student Financial Aid; Federal Aid; Federal Programs; Incidence; Taxes
Abstract:
Federal benefit programs, including federal student aid, are designed to aid targeted populations. Behavioral responses to these programs may alter the incidence of their benefits, a possibility that receives less attention in the literature compared to tax incidence. I demonstrate the importance of benefit incidence analysis by showing that the intended cost reductions of tax-based federal student aid are substantially offset by institutional price increases for a sample of 4-year colleges and universities. Contrary to the goal of policymakers, I find that tax-based aid crowds out institutional aid roughly dollar-for-dollar. Unfortunately, it is not clear how institutions utilize these captured resources, so that the ultimate incidence of the programs is uncertain. (Contains 7 tables and 5 figures.)
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Pub Date: |
2012-10-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Reports - Evaluative |
Peer Reviewed: |
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Descriptors:
Educational Finance; Activism; Unions; Public Sector; Union Members; Tax Rates; Taxes; Tax Effort; Elections; Teacher Salaries; History; Politics
Abstract:
This November, California voters must decide two policy questions of great concern to public-sector unions. One is a tax hike to stave off further cuts to state spending (there are two versions on the ballot with a chance of passing). The other is a "paycheck protection" measure that would ban the practice of unions' deducting money from member paychecks to spend on political activism. Public-sector union members stand to benefit from the tax increase, and they are campaigning heavily for one version, Proposition 30, which is being promoted by Governor Jerry Brown. Conversely, the unions stand to lose money and power if paycheck protection passes, and they are working hard to defeat it. To understand what these political battles teach us about the outsize influence of public-sector unions in California politics, this study examines how public-sector unions have fared on proposition campaigns since 1980. This analysis suggests that the vote on the tax increase is likely to be very close, and the unions will probably be able to defeat the paycheck-protection measure for a third time. Union Power in the State Legislature is appended. (Contains 4 charts, 5 tables, and 37 endnotes.)
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