Author(s): |
de los Rios, Cati V. |
Source: |
Urban Review: Issues and Ideas in Public Education, v45 n1 p58-73 Mar 2013 |
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Pub Date: |
2013-03-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Evaluative |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
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Descriptors:
High School Students; Hispanic American Students; Grade 11; Grade 12; Ethnic Studies; Hispanic Americans; Mexican Americans; Student Experience; State Legislation; Educational Policy; Social Change
Abstract:
Drawing from a nine-month critical teacher inquiry investigation, this article examines the experiences of eleventh and twelfth grade students who participated in a year-long Chicana/o-Latina/o Studies course in California shortly after the passing of Arizona House Bill 2281 (HB 2281). Through a borderlands analysis, I explore how these students describe their experiences participating in such a course, and in doing so, debunk some of the myths upon which HB 2281 was constructed. I find that these classroom experiences served as "sitios y lenguas" (decolonizing spaces and discourses; Perez in The decolonial imaginary: Writing Chicanas into history, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1998) in which high school students were able to reflect on the ongoing transformation of their social, political, and ethnic identities, and developed a relational ontological base. This article explores the physical and metaphorical borders (Anzaldua in "Borderlands/La frontera: The new mestiza," Jossey-Bass, San Francisco 1987) that Chicana/o and Latina/o youth navigate and challenge while simultaneously working for social change in their communities. Lastly, it conveys what we stand to lose if the decolonizing spaces and discourse constructed in Ethnic Studies courses become casualties of xenophobic policy.
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Pub Date: |
2013-00-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Evaluative |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
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Descriptors:
School Choice; Research Needs; Tuition; Educational Legislation; Outcomes of Education; Economics; Educational Vouchers; Prediction; Educational Trends; Educational Finance; State Legislation
Abstract:
Legislators considering large scale school choice proposals want information on more than likely schooling outcomes. They look to their fiscal bureaus and economic studies to provide that information. The fiscal notes that must accompany all proposals with revenue or expenditure implications are especially important. Often, fiscal notes must be produced on short notice. The article assesses the fiscal notes that have accompanied the major U.S. charter law and tuition voucher proposals, and to highlight key issues and research needs it assesses fiscal and economic impacts of the proposed Texas (2011-HB 33) tuition voucher program. We assess fiscal notes in terms of research basis for predictions, predicted level of participation (# of choosers), and predicted basis for fiscal impacts, including time trend of effects. Finally, we propose how the fiscal notes might be improved; not just what legislative analysts should do, but also what could be done to make doing a better job easier. (Contains 6 tables and 10 notes.)
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Pub Date: |
2013-01-27 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Descriptive |
Peer Reviewed: |
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Descriptors:
College Students; Student Costs; Textbooks; Electronic Publishing; State Legislation; State Aid
Abstract:
Providing college students with free textbooks is no easy task. That seems to be the major lesson from several efforts to produce e-books that are low-cost or free to help reduce students' costs. Money pressures, slow adoption by professors, and quality concerns stand in the way as these projects hope to rival traditional publishing. Take Flat World Knowledge Inc., an upstart publisher that had been a key proponent of a so-called "freemium" model of giving away electronic copies of textbooks and asking students to pay for extras like flash cards or printed copies. The company announced a sudden move away from that model in November, stating that its free-content option will no longer be available starting in January. The reason for the change: Students were not buying as many printed copies as predicted because those who wanted one got a used copy rather than buy a new one from Flat World. Flat World will still offer textbooks at lower prices than traditional publishers do, but nothing will be free. The company's basic online books cost about $20 each. Flat World Knowledge is also pursuing a sponsored-licensing model with some colleges, where an outside company or foundation would enter into an agreement with Flat World Knowledge or the college to help pay for the cost of content. The e-book company will be able to judge the impact of its "free to fair" pricing transition by next year. Some see Flat World Knowledge's move away from the freemium model as a warning for other open-access textbook projects. Finding ways to support the production of free textbooks is not the only unresolved issue for open-textbook proponents. Another challenge is getting buy-in from instructors, who must be persuaded to adopt the textbooks. And when books are written by volunteers, keeping quality high can be more difficult than in the traditional model, where authors are paid by publishers. Producing free textbooks may sound like a good idea, but it is turning out to be easier said than done.
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Author(s): |
Schmidt, Peter |
Source: |
Chronicle of Higher Education, Jan 2013 |
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Pub Date: |
2013-01-14 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Descriptive |
Peer Reviewed: |
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Descriptors:
Unions; Collective Bargaining; Labor; College Faculty; Employment; Laws; Fees; Criticism; State Legislation; Advocacy; Financial Support
Abstract:
Faculty unions outside Michigan have reason to be concerned with its passage of legislation barring unions from collecting fees from workers who do not join them. But the experiences of faculty unions in states that adopted such laws years ago suggest that while the measures can be a major hindrance to their work, they are not a death blow. Proponents of such measures, who have succeeded in getting them widely known as "right to work" laws, and even many of the measures' critics see their adoption by Michigan, a stronghold of organized labor, as portending support for them in statehouses elsewhere. Among the states likely to seriously consider such legislation this year are Missouri, New Hampshire, and Pennsylvania. The measures generally hurt unions' ability to recruit members and raise money by creating situations where workers benefit from a union's advocacy and services without joining it as a dues-paying member or otherwise supporting it financially. A look at faculty groups in states that already have such laws shows, however, that collective bargaining can survive. The laws' impact on unions, for the most part, appear less severe than some labor organizers might fear.
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Pub Date: |
2013-05-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Research |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
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Descriptors:
Educational Policy; English (Second Language); Discourse Analysis; Second Language Learning; English Language Learners; Limited English Speaking; Classification; State Legislation; English Only Movement; Policy Analysis; Criticism; Legislators; Meetings
Abstract:
Several states, including Arizona, have enacted English-only legislation, within the past decade, impacting the schooling of students who are identified as English language learner (ELLS). As a result, ELLS in Arizona are assigned to a prescriptive program--apart from their fluent English-speaking peers--for 4 h a day, during a time "not normally to exceed 1 year." The ultimate goal is to reclassify ELLs to fluent English proficient (FEP) status, exit them from the program and integrate students into "mainstream" classrooms, where no additional support services are offered. Since language policies are dictating the instructional policy decisions regarding assessment and reclassification of ELLS, the authors argue that it is necessary to critically examine how English-only policies--especially the discourse of policy making--contribute to the shift in the definition of reclassification, its process and ultimately, the consequences for students. Thus, the paper unpacks the shifts in reclassification policy and process; our critical discourse analysis of the legislators' meetings, based on the work of van Leeuwen ("Discourse Commun" 1(1):91-112, 2007), show that although Arizona's ELL Task Force set out to develop an educational policy to prepare ELLS linguistically and academically within one school year, the timeframe (or time limit) took precedence to the academic preparedness of newly reclassified students--a population that is academically vulnerable.
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Pub Date: |
2013-04-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Numerical/Quantitative Data; Reports - Research |
Peer Reviewed: |
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Descriptors:
School Desegregation; School Segregation; Racial Segregation; Magnet Schools; Counties; Educational History; Busing; Hispanic American Students; African American Students; White Students; Public Schools; Enrollment; Low Income Groups; Racial Composition; Urban Schools; State Legislation; Federal Legislation; Equal Education
Abstract:
Maryland, as one of 17 states that had de jure segregation, has an intense history of school segregation. Following the 1954 Brown decision, school districts across the state employed various methods to desegregate their schools, including mandatory busing in Prince George's County, magnet schools in Montgomery County, and a freedom of choice plan in Baltimore. Although the districts made some progress in desegregating their schools, after plans that had the explicit goal of decreasing segregation ended, many of the schools in Maryland again reached high levels of segregation. This report investigates trends in school segregation in Maryland over the last two decades by examining concentration, exposure, and evenness measures by both race and class. After exploring the overall enrollment patterns and segregation trends at the state level, this report turns to the Baltimore-Washington CMSA to analyze similar measures of segregation. Given the trends presented in this report, it is likely that segregation will continue to intensify if nothing is done to address it. Having already reached high levels of segregation for the state's students of color, it is necessary that Maryland now take steps to reverse these trends by being proactive in addressing the segregated nature of its public schools. Appended are: (1) Additional Data Tables; and (2) Data Sources and Methodology. (Contains 32 tables, 20 figures and 83 footnotes.) [Foreword by Gary Orfield. This paper was written with Greg Flaxman, John Kucsera, and Genevieve Siegel-Hawley.]
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ERIC
Full Text (2474K)
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Pub Date: |
2013-06-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Research |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
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Descriptors:
State Policy; Accident Prevention; Evidence; Health Services; Outreach Programs; Community Organizations; Grants; State Legislation; Older Adults; Intervention; At Risk Persons; Cooperation
Abstract:
Purpose of Study: To describe the ongoing efforts of the Connecticut Collaboration for Fall Prevention (CCFP) to move evidence regarding fall prevention into clinical practice and state policy. Methods: A university-based team developed methods of networking with existing statewide organizations to influence clinical practice and state policy. Results: We describe steps taken that led to funding and legislation of fall prevention efforts in the state of Connecticut. We summarize CCFP's direct outreach by tabulating the educational sessions delivered and the numbers and types of clinical care providers that were trained. Community organizations that had sustained clinical practices incorporating evidence-based fall prevention were subsequently funded through mini-grants to develop innovative interventional activities. These mini-grants targeted specific subpopulations of older persons at high risk for falls. Implications: Building collaborative relationships with existing stakeholders and care providers throughout the state, CCFP continues to facilitate the integration of evidence-based fall prevention into clinical practice and state-funded policy using strategies that may be useful to others.
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Pub Date: |
2012-10-01 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Descriptive |
Peer Reviewed: |
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Descriptors:
Public Colleges; Educational Finance; State Aid; State Legislation; Graduation Rate; Remedial Instruction; Educational Change; Transfer Programs
Abstract:
Before last year, public colleges in Tennessee had a very good reason to fill classroom seats through the first couple of weeks of the term. Each institution's share of the state appropriations for higher education was largely based on enrollment at that point in the semester. Now, however, those colleges stand to lose state money if students do not complete the courses they enroll in, as well as the degrees they are seeking. Under a 2010 law, Tennessee became the first state to appropriate nearly all of the state's tax dollars for higher education based on institutional outcomes, such as credit completions and graduation rates. That law puts the Volunteer State at the forefront of a movement to reward colleges that produce more degree holders. Just two years into the new policy, it is already changing how colleges work to retain students and produce graduates, with several institutions overhauling their approach to remedial education, for example. And despite assurances against grade inflation or lowering standards, some faculty members are feeling the pressure to make sure their students get through the course. Some colleges are also beginning to see the payoff from meeting the state's goals, but the new formula is also creating losers in terms of state dollars. Some higher-education leaders in the state fear that the legislature will be unable or unwilling to increase the overall appropriations for higher education, about $1.4-billion for the current budget. In that case, even colleges that improve could be faced with budget cuts rather than rewards for increasing their completion rates. Since the late 1970s, about half of states, including Tennessee, have passed laws to base at least a small portion of their higher-education support on performance measures. But the amount of money at stake was too little to drive a change--usually less than 5 percent of the state's contributions to colleges. However, the most recent economic downturn, the growing national demand for college-educated workers, and calls to make higher education more efficient and accountable are pushing state lawmakers to consider more aggressive policies to improve college attainment. In 2010, Tennessee lawmakers passed the Complete College Act, a law meant to raise the percentage of state residents with a college degree to the national average by 2025. The law eliminates the state's old system of doling out money based mostly on enrollment and instead rewards colleges based on measures that vary by the level of institution.
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