Author(s): |
Silveira, Rene Trentin |
Source: |
Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education, v49 n2 p253-272 2013 |
|
Pub Date: |
2013-00-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Evaluative |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
|
|
|
Descriptors:
Educational Policy; Foreign Countries; National Security; Ideology; Educational Change; Political Influences; Economic Factors; Educational Legislation
Abstract:
The aim of this article is to analyse and show in detail the influence of the National Security and Development Doctrine, the main ideological prop of the 1964 civilian-military coup, on the education policy implemented by the regime. Special attention is given to the MEC-USAID agreements, the setting up of the Meira Matos Commission and the reform of elementary, middle and high school education, which was put into effect by the enactment of Law 5692/1971. It purports to show that their overriding purpose was to adapt the education system to the economic and political model in place at that time, so as to transform it into a tool for the promotion of national security and development as perceived by that doctrine. The article concludes that the changes that took place in Brazilian education can only be fully comprehended in the light of their interaction with the processes that fostered the manifestation of the National Security ideology in Latin America as a whole and Brazil in particular. (Contains 90 footnotes.)
Note:The following two links
are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software.
Show
Hide
Full Abstract
Related Items: Show Related Items
Full-Text Availability Options:
More Info:
Help |
Tutorial
Help Finding Full Text
|
More Info:
Help
Find in a Library
|
Publisher's website
|
Author(s): |
Goulah, Jason |
Source: |
Journal of Language, Identity, and Education, v12 n1 p22-39 2013 |
|
Pub Date: |
2013-00-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Evaluative |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
|
|
|
Descriptors:
Teaching Methods; Human Geography; Foreign Countries; Educational Philosophy; Writing Instruction; Self Concept; Political Influences; Second Language Learning; Second Language Instruction; Language Planning; Educational Trends; Critical Theory; Standards
Abstract:
In this article, the author examines Makiguchi Tsunesaburo's philosophy and practice of human geography ("jinsei chirigaku"), community studies ("kyodoka"), and composition instruction based on "value-creating pedagogy" ("soka kyoikugaku") for thinking through and responding to two competing trends intersecting language, identity, and education in the contemporary United States--the politicized imagining of America and increasingly ineffective critical approaches to second language education. As the politicized imagining and language policies Makiguchi faced in wartime Japan are echoed, though in substantively different form, in the contemporary United States, the author draws on Makiguchi's own words in these areas to think through and suggest ways contemporary educators can "create value" from the two aforementioned trends intersecting language, identity, and education in the United States. (Contains 1 footnote.)
Note:The following two links
are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software.
Show
Hide
Full Abstract
Related Items: Show Related Items
Full-Text Availability Options:
More Info:
Help |
Tutorial
Help Finding Full Text
|
More Info:
Help
Find in a Library
|
Publisher's website
|
Author(s): |
Soler, Josep |
Source: |
International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, v16 n2 p153-163 2013 |
|
Pub Date: |
2013-00-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Evaluative |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
|
|
|
Descriptors:
Linguistics; Ideology; Language Minorities; Global Approach; Romance Languages; Finno Ugric Languages; Political Influences; Language Attitudes; Ethnography; Self Concept; Second Language Learning; Foreign Countries; Russian; Spanish
Abstract:
Catalan and Estonian can be considered "medium-sized" languages with some key common features that allow us to analyze the evolution of the two cases comparatively. Firstly, other formerly hegemonic languages (Spanish and Russian, respectively) have historically minoritized them. Secondly, the political equilibrium has now changed in such a way that the "medium-sized" languages have been resituated in the public sphere, regaining some institutional recognition. In turn, this has caused the formerly dominating languages to be resituated too, where a high degree of contact between the two linguistic communities exists. Finally, in the globalization era, ideologies about (minoritized) languages may shift from identity-based values toward more pragmatic and instrumental ones. This article presents ethnographically collected data from both Tallinn and Barcelona (2008-2009), providing a reading of the Catalan case and evolution as seen through the Estonian experience. The study examines language-ideological constructs underlying the discourses of the linguistic groups in contact, how they affect and are affected by the context, how they interact with and co-modify each other and ultimately, how can they affect the process by which a "medium-sized" language may be adopted by "new speakers" and acquires a stable position at the level of its public functions.
Note:The following two links
are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software.
Show
Hide
Full Abstract
Related Items: Show Related Items
Full-Text Availability Options:
More Info:
Help |
Tutorial
Help Finding Full Text
|
More Info:
Help
Find in a Library
|
Publisher's website
|
Author(s): |
Woolard, Kathryn A. |
Source: |
International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, v16 n2 p210-224 2013 |
|
Pub Date: |
2013-00-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Evaluative |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
|
|
|
Descriptors:
Language Attitudes; Foreign Countries; Romance Languages; Immigrants; Working Class; Longitudinal Studies; High School Students; Spanish; Self Concept; Language Usage; Maturity (Individuals); Experience; Political Attitudes; Political Influences; Peer Relationship; Young Adults
Abstract:
During the early catalanization of schooling in the Barcelona area in the 1980s, Castilian-speaking teenagers of working-class immigrant descent often struggled against Catalan language and identity. This longitudinal study followed a group of high-school classmates and found that as young adults, some but not all of the resistant working-class Castilian speakers have incorporated Catalan into their lives and identity. This article draws on Mikhail Bakhtin's concept of the "chronotope" or time-space frame to analyze the accounts of language and identity given by informants who adapted positively to Catalan and that of a peer whose hostility to Catalan increased over the years. Drawing on three contrasting chronotopes, informants give different meanings to personal experiences and linguistic practices. Those who adapted positively to Catalan present their linguistic development within biographical and cosmopolitan chronotopes that emphasize individual maturation and experience. They reject the politicization of language and an ideology of authenticity that links language choice to origins. The more anti-Catalan peer presents a socio-historical chronotope that frames his own experience as political and related to national and state debates, and he draws on an ideology of ethnolinguistic solidarity and linguistic authenticity. (Contains 9 notes.)
Note:The following two links
are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software.
Show
Hide
Full Abstract
Related Items: Show Related Items
Full-Text Availability Options:
More Info:
Help |
Tutorial
Help Finding Full Text
|
More Info:
Help
Find in a Library
|
Publisher's website
|
|
|
Pub Date: |
2013-01-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Research |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
|
|
|
Descriptors:
Child Abuse; Risk; Foster Care; African American Children; Race; Referral; Racial Differences; Mothers; Ethnicity; Victims; Child Welfare; Law Enforcement; Whites; Socioeconomic Status; Health; Hispanic Americans; Social Influences; Political Influences; Environmental Influences; Family (Sociological Unit)
Abstract:
Objective: Data from the United States indicate pronounced and persistent racial/ethnic differences in the rates at which children are referred and substantiated as victims of child abuse and neglect. In this study, we examined the extent to which aggregate racial differences are attributable to variations in the distribution of individual and family-level risk factors. Methods: This study was based on the full population of children born in California in 2002. Birth records were linked to child protective service (CPS) records to identify all children referred for maltreatment by age 5. Generalized linear models were used to compute crude and adjusted racial/ethnic differences in children's risk of referral, substantiation, and entry to foster care. Results: As expected, stark differences between Black and White children emerged in the rates of contact with CPS. Black children were more than twice as likely as White children to be referred for maltreatment, substantiated as victims, and enter foster care before age 5. Yet, there were also significant differences across racial/ethnic groups in the distribution of socioeconomic and health factors strongly correlated with child maltreatment and CPS involvement. After adjusting for these differences, low socioeconomic Black children had a lower risk of referral, substantiation, and entry to foster care than their socioeconomically similar White counterparts. Among Latinos, before adjusting for other factors, children of U.S.-born mothers were significantly more likely than White children to experience system contact, while children of foreign-born mothers were less likely to be involved with CPS. After adjusting for socioeconomic and health indicators, the relative risk of referral, substantiation, and foster care entry was significantly lower for Latino children (regardless of maternal nativity) compared to White children. Conclusions: Race and ethnicity is a marker for a complex interaction of economic, social, political, and environmental factors that influence the health of individuals and communities. This analysis indicates that adjusting for child and family-level risk factors is necessary to distinguish race-specific effects (which may reflect system, worker, or resource biases) from socioeconomic and health indicators associated with maltreatment risk. Identifying the independent effects of these factors is critical to developing effective strategies for reducing racial disparities. (Contains 4 tables and 3 figures.)
Note:The following two links
are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software.
Show
Hide
Full Abstract
Related Items: Show Related Items
Full-Text Availability Options:
More Info:
Help |
Tutorial
Help Finding Full Text
|
More Info:
Help
Find in a Library
|
Publisher's website
|
Author(s): |
Lopez, Oresta |
Source: |
Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education, v49 n1 p56-69 2013 |
|
Pub Date: |
2013-00-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Descriptive |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
|
|
|
Descriptors:
Pregnancy; Females; Foreign Countries; Mexicans; Social Change; Rural Schools; Nationalism; Marital Status; Feminism; Gender Bias; Political Influences; Violence; Teacher Salaries; Sex Fairness; Catholics; Victims; Age; Educational History
Abstract:
The reflections presented in this article include the process of incorporating women teachers into schools during the post-revolutionary period in Mexico. From one standpoint, women teachers lived in a state of ambiguity throughout this period because they were seen as symbols of national reconstruction following a war that left more than one million people dead. From another standpoint, they were victims of political and gender violence in a country that had not yet been pacified and was experiencing deep divisions between the armed Catholic groups that fought against the government. The process of the feminisation of Mexican teaching is approached through an analysis of the socio-professional conditions of rural teachers around the period of 1924 to 1945. There are a range of sources that were used for this research, including oral and documental. The collection of records of rural teachers from the Archivo Historico de la Secretaria de Educacion Publica are important in terms of a regional study that was done in the Valle del Mezquital as well as in a current national study. After reviewing over three thousand teacher files, I have been able to verify that many of these women were empowered and conscious of their significance in the national identity. They took advantage of the situation to obtain gender work benefits, which included equal wages to men, pregnancy leave regardless of marital status or age and uninterrupted contracts. This mobilisation by women teachers throughout the entire country was unprecedented in the professional history of Mexican women workers. These teachers fought many daily battles, both individually and collectively, to maintain their jobs, by writing letters to the head of the Rural School Department, sharing their stories and the injustices they experienced in their daily lives. Nonetheless, it is notable that for the first time, a collection of female voices can be found in the teacher files; these women did not want to keep quiet and they reflect a desire to participate in social change for themselves and their communities. (Contains 2 tables, 2 figures and 19 footnotes.)
Note:The following two links
are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software.
Show
Hide
Full Abstract
Related Items: Show Related Items
Full-Text Availability Options:
More Info:
Help |
Tutorial
Help Finding Full Text
|
More Info:
Help
Find in a Library
|
Publisher's website
|
|
|
Pub Date: |
2013-00-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Evaluative |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
|
|
|
Descriptors:
Politics of Education; Peace; Political Attitudes; Teaching Methods; Political Influences; Foreign Countries; Teacher Education; Seminars; Humanism; Criticism; Cultural Context; Discourse Analysis
Abstract:
This paper investigates the interference of local politics with a peace education initiative in Greek-Cypriot education and the consequent impact on teachers' perceptions and responses. Focusing on a recent educational attempt to promote "peaceful coexistence", the authors explain how this attempt was seen by many teachers as being a part of a local leftist agenda and was therefore often rejected. When though the same initiative was positioned--through a series of teacher training seminars organised by the authors--within the global field of "peace education", and was grounded in humanistic ideals, the teachers appeared much more comfortable to engage with it. Taking the local political complexities into consideration, the authors argue that despite the existing thorough critiques of the humanistic discourse of peace education, a seemingly "neutral" humanistic discourse of peace education can be legitimised on the basis of two arguments: first, a humanistic discourse could serve as an entry point for talking about "peaceful coexistence" in schools and second, it might offer a way to overcome the strong political connotations that these concepts appear to have locally. (Contains 1 table and 14 notes.)
Note:The following two links
are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software.
Show
Hide
Full Abstract
Related Items: Show Related Items
Full-Text Availability Options:
More Info:
Help |
Tutorial
Help Finding Full Text
|
More Info:
Help
Find in a Library
|
Publisher's website
|
|