Author(s): |
Chen, Shih-Wen |
Source: |
Children's Literature in Education, v44 n2 p156-173 Jun 2013 |
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Pub Date: |
2013-06-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Evaluative |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
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Descriptors:
Foreign Countries; Childrens Literature; Twentieth Century Literature; Nineteenth Century Literature; Nonfiction; Travel; Rhetoric; Fiction; Patriotism
Abstract:
This paper considers how "knowledge" of China was presented for Victorian and Edwardian children in "The Boy's Own Paper" ("BOP") between 1879 and 1914. It considers how genre affects the representation of China in the "BOP" by comparing travel narratives and adventure stories. First, it focuses on non-fiction about China, examining the rhetorical strategies employed by the authors of travel narratives. The travellers express confidence in their ability to survey the land and present readers with the idea that China is abundant in resources awaiting British discovery. Second, the article discusses adventure stories about opium and piracy written during a period when the tension between the British and the Chinese was particularly fraught over these issues. While the authors of the adventure stories created a strong contrast between the Chinese as villains and the British as heroes, the "BOP" travel writers provide contradictory statements within their narratives, reflecting an ambivalence about China and the Chinese. However, because the "BOP" contributors sought to instil a sense of patriotism, to inspire their readers to serve the British Empire, both the non-fiction travel narratives and the fictional adventure stories related to China were published not only to entertain readers with exotic facts and thrilling stories, but more importantly, to persuade them of the necessity of British intervention.
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Pub Date: |
2013-02-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Research |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
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Descriptors:
Music Education; Secondary Schools; Music; Foreign Countries; Singing; Nationalism; French; Patriotism; Music Activities; Audio Equipment; English; Questionnaires; Student Attitudes; Memorization; Elementary Education
Abstract:
The purpose of the study was to determine Canadian secondary school choral students' skill in singing the national anthem. The sample (N = 275) consisted of students from 12 schools, representing six provinces in Canada. Students were audio taped singing "O Canada" in English, French, or in a combination of both languages and subsequently completed a questionnaire. Results indicated that few students could sing the national anthem perfectly. Although students were significantly more accurate in remembering the lyrics than in singing the melody (p less than 0.0001), only 67% were judged proficient in lyrics whereas a mere 46% were judged proficient in melody. Possible reasons for these poor results include the frequency with which students sing the anthem in secondary schools, the fact that three-quarters named a classroom teacher in the early/elementary years as being the one responsible for teaching them the anthem, the shift to solo versus group singing in public events, and the inconsistency with which music education is delivered in elementary schools. Implications for practice indicate that more emphasis be placed on assisting choir members to sing the anthem accurately, more opportunities be provided in secondary schools for students to sing the anthem, and more curricular attention be placed on teaching students both English and French versions. (Contains 6 tables and 7 notes.)
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Author(s): |
Labidi, Imed |
Source: |
Journal for Critical Education Policy Studies, v10 n2 p363-391 Oct 2012 |
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Pub Date: |
2012-10-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Evaluative |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
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Descriptors:
Racial Bias; Muslims; Foreign Countries; Social Problems; Postmodernism; Socialization; Mass Media Effects; Political Attitudes; Racial Identification; Arabs; Aggression; Discourse Analysis; Presidents; Decision Making; Patriotism
Abstract:
The media's power to shape our views of reality, our socialization, and our politics is indisputable. As we increasingly discover and interpret the world through the screen of our TVs, media narratives and images construct for us confusing representations of reality. In the process, our ability to experience the real is reduced along with our commitment to engage with political and social problems. Confusion blurs our vision. Our rational capacities and certainties appear to have vanished. In the midst of this confusion, this article explains how the media have transformed identity politics in the United States by setting up Arab and Muslim American communities as the enemy within and institutionalized a new discourse of discrimination that relies on racial microaggression. Operating through Arabization, racial scapegoating, and misrepresentation, this discourse is similar to what sociologist Ramon Flecha calls postmodern racism in Europe. The article further argues that this discourse is used to question President Obama's decisions, his ostensibly suppressed Muslim identity, and his patriotism. (Contains 8 footnotes.)
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Pub Date: |
2012-09-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Research |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
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Descriptors:
Citizenship; Democracy; Citizenship Education; Educational Change; Foreign Countries; Case Studies; Political Attitudes; Patriotism; History; Educational Strategies; Social Change
Abstract:
This article draws from my current research on the challenges that the concept "citizenship" brings to postcolonial Africa. The article takes Zimbabwe as a case study with the view to interrogate how the decade-long crisis has been obfuscated by the elites' manipulation of the education system which has left it redundant for envisioning both postcolonial and world citizenship. First, this article seeks to outline the challenge of enunciating the crisis. Second, it outlines and discusses how the limits of postcolonial education reforms and the demand for a patriotic citizenry have stemmed from the political ideologues' deployment of "patriotic history" to mobilise citizens' allegiance to the party-state. Third, the article situates the citizenship education debate within the broader discourse of democratic citizenship and argues that the Zimbabwean crisis can be meaningfully addressed, among other measures, by taking citizenship education seriously and making schools and institutions of higher learning sites for democratic engagement. (Contains 4 notes.)
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Author(s): |
Sadlier, Sarah |
Source: |
History Teacher, v46 n1 p97-126 Nov 2012 |
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Pub Date: |
2012-11-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Research |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
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Descriptors:
Conflict; Foreign Countries; Crime; Local Government; Historians; History Instruction; War; Punishment; State Legislation; Social Change; Social Action; Patriotism; Primary Sources
Abstract:
On June 19, 1771, the young, admired captain of the Regulators, Benjamin Merrill, and 11 of his compatriots were condemned to the gallows for high treason. But what heinous actions did these men commit? What reprehensible crime would constitute such a punishment? The answer lies in the failure of the Regulator Rebellion, a prolonged conflict in the North Carolina backcountry spanning from 1766 to 1771. Today, this unsuccessful revolution is best known as the War of Regulation, or more simply, the Regulation. The backcountry men of neighboring South Carolina, who protested the legislature's inability to establish local government in the western settlements, first assumed the moniker of "Regulator." The term was later adopted in the 1760s to denote persons of the North Carolina backcountry whose purpose was to "regularize" and reform the protocols and procedures of their local governments. These Regulators, a group consisting of seven thousand men, endeavored to obtain redress of their grievances from their colonial government. When their peaceful, legal measures were repeatedly blocked, primarily by Royal Governor William Tryon, the backcountry men reacted with open violence. Their hostilities culminated in the Battle of Alamance, which concluded the war with a Tryonian victory. In the aftermath of Alamance, the governor's forces decimated Regulator strongholds, hanged a select number of the Regulator rebels, and required more than 6,000 individuals to swear an oath of allegiance to the King. Though the larger portion of the insurrection had been subdued by 1771, the Regulator Movement persisted in the backcountry throughout much of the 1770s. On the eve of the American Revolution, the Regulators would appear to be America's first Patriots; however, such was not the case. Although the Regulators prefigured the larger American Revolution with their willingness to fight for fairer taxation and governance against their ruling body, they were not always the anti-British Patriots historians have assumed them to be. Thorough investigation of primary resources reveals that the Regulators were certainly not American Patriots: for the most part, they were loyal British subjects--reacting to and endeavoring to reform corruption in their local government through means of revolution. (Contains 79 notes.)
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Author(s): |
Pronina, E. I. |
Source: |
Russian Education and Society, v54 n5 p77-90 May 2012 |
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Pub Date: |
2012-05-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Evaluative |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
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Descriptors:
Secondary School Students; Mass Media; Values; Foreign Countries; Socialization; Citizenship Education; Citizenship; Young Adults; State Programs; Patriotism; Political Attitudes; Organizations (Groups)
Abstract:
Adolescents develop a sense of citizenship through the influence of the institutions of their socialization--the family, the school, the mass media, and so on. In the past few years, these institutions, along with all of Russian society, have undergone a transition to a new phase by "shock therapy," which brought about crisis phenomena not only in the social and economic sphere but also in the spiritual and intellectual sphere. These had a notable impact on the formation of patriotic feelings, attitudes, civic self-awareness, and behavior, especially among youth. Traditional values broke down and the mechanism of the socialization of the generations was transformed, along with any continuity between them. Attempting to correct the situation, in July 2005 the government of the Russian Federation adopted the state program "The Patriotic Education of Citizens of the Russian Federation for 2006-10." To some extent, the document led to the upbringing function being brought back into schools, and stimulated researchers' interest in problems of teaching patriotism to young people in school and college. Researchers on problems of the socialization of young people say that until the aims of society have been formulated there can be no clear-cut social mandate to the institutions of socialization, including the schools. Schools and other social institutions find themselves in a situation of uncertainty and risk. Thus they are confining their functions to the most essential ones (in the case of schools, the transmission of knowledge). In the past few years studies provide evidence of a revival of the upbringing component in schools. There has been a gradual rethinking of the phenomenon of civic education. The activity of children's political organizations, which used to be engaged in the upbringing of the rising generation, has been depoliticized. Their removal from educational institutions requires that the content, forms, and methods of patriotic upbringing in the schools be revised and improved, and teachers trained how to do this work effectively. (Contains 1 table and 2 figures.) [This article was translated by Kim Braithwaite.]
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