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Descriptors:
Educational Policy; Foreign Countries; National Security; Ideology; Educational Change; Political Influences; Economic Factors; Educational Legislation

Abstract:
The aim of this article is to analyse and show in detail the influence of the National Security and Development Doctrine, the main ideological prop of the 1964 civilian-military coup, on the education policy implemented by the regime. Special attention is given to the MEC-USAID agreements, the setting up of the Meira Matos Commission and the reform of elementary, middle and high school education, which was put into effect by the enactment of Law 5692/1971. It purports to show that their overriding purpose was to adapt the education system to the economic and political model in place at that time, so as to transform it into a tool for the promotion of national security and development as perceived by that doctrine. The article concludes that the changes that took place in Brazilian education can only be fully comprehended in the light of their interaction with the processes that fostered the manifestation of the National Security ideology in Latin America as a whole and Brazil in particular. (Contains 90 footnotes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Civil Engineering; Transportation; Role; National Security; Economic Progress; United States History; Migration Patterns; Construction (Process); Strategic Planning; Physical Environment; Influence of Technology; Context Effect; Costs; STEM Education; Class Activities

Abstract:
Few people truly recognize the influence of modern transportation on society. In the United States, that includes the influence of highways that allow the citizenry to travel freely, the strength of the economy, and the country's national security. In all cases, the geography of the United States influenced the evolution of transportation and transportation technology. The U.S. is the third largest country in the world and includes a vast area of land (Central Intelligence Agency, 2012a). In 2008, the U.S. had the most kilometers of roads in the world--6,506,204 km--almost twice as many as China with the second most (Central Intelligence Agency, 2012b). The U.S. continues to construct highways because they are vital to the country's national security and economic growth. What are the costs of building, upgrading, and maintaining America's highways? What are the costs of not building and maintaining highways? How does the U.S. highway system compare to the highway systems of other countries? Why has the U.S. highway system evolved the way that it has? These questions are discussed in this article. A classroom activity about highway construction is also offered. (Contains 5 figures.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Discourse Analysis; Internet; Comparative Analysis; Printed Materials; Catholics; Court Litigation; National Security; Newspapers; Foreign Countries; Editing; Churches; English; Legislation; Censorship; Islam; Language Usage

Abstract:
This article examines the coverage in three Malaysian newspapers on an issue popularly known as the "Allah" issue. In 2009, the Catholic Church took the Malaysian government to court over the right to use the word "Allah". In a landmark court decision, the Church was given the right to use the word "Allah" in the Catholic newsletter "The Herald". However, this decision was appealed by the government, there was a stay order on the decision, and many protests took place over this issue. Editorials of three important English newspapers chosen for their popularity and different stances in writing were chosen to examine the manner in which this controversial issue was handled. The method employed in the analysis was Critical Discourse Analysis as used by van Dijk (2005). The Malaysian print media faces some challenges in the form of the Printing Presses and Publications Act, 1984 (PPPA). The Act requires print media to apply for their licenses annually and are subject to censorship by government authorities who can revoke their licenses if news items are seen as a threat to national security. Two print newspapers, one aligned to the government ("The Star") and another private and independent one ("The Sun") were chosen. The third is a web news portal which is relatively free from the PPPA and is therefore more vocal in its writing. The analysis shows that caution is exercised by the government affiliated paper, a more judicial approach is taken by the independent paper, and the web portal is very antigovernment in its stance. Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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National Security; Visual Perception; Eye Movements; Reaction Time; Accuracy; Attention; Visual Aids; Color; Comparative Analysis; Foreign Countries

Abstract:
Searching simultaneously for metal threats (guns and knives) and improvised explosive devices (IEDs) in X-ray images is less effective than 2 independent single-target searches, 1 for metal threats and 1 for IEDs. The goals of this study were to (a) replicate this dual-target cost for categorical targets and to determine whether the cost remains when X-ray images overlap, (b) determine the role of attentional guidance in this dual-target cost by measuring eye movements, and (c) determine the effect of practice on guidance. Untrained participants conducted 5,376 trials of visual search of X-ray images, each specializing in single-target search for metal threats, single-target search for IEDs, or dual-target search for both. In dual-target search, only 1 target (metal threat or IED) at most appeared on any 1 trial. Eye movements, response time, and accuracy were compared across single-target and dual-target searches. Results showed a dual-target cost in response time, accuracy, and guidance, with fewer fixations to target-color objects and disproportionately more to non-target-color objects, compared with single-target search. Such reduction in guidance explains why targets are missed in dual-target search, which was particularly noticeable when objects overlapped. After extensive practice, accuracy, response time, and guidance remained better in single-target search than in dual-target search. The results indicate that, when 2 different target representations are required for search, both representations cannot be maintained as accurately as in separate single-target searches. They suggest that baggage X-ray security screeners should specialize in one type of threat, or be trained to conduct 2 independent searches, 1 for each threat item. (Contains 9 figures, 2 tables and 1 footnote.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Higher Education; Research; Access to Information; Barriers; Information Dissemination; United States History; Terrorism; Computer Security; School Security; National Security; Federal Government; Government Role; Grants; Rewards; Laboratories; Disclosure; Censorship; Information Policy

Abstract:
For some colleges and professors, classified research promises prestige and money. Powerhouses like the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the Johns Hopkins University have for decades run large classified laboratories. But most other universities either do not allow such research or conduct it quietly, and in small doses. The feeling--often reinforced by student protests--has been that secrecy is intolerable on campuses dedicated to free and open inquiry. Now, for a combination of reasons, the balance may be shifting. The September 11, 2001, attacks bolstered the national-security industry and public acceptance of it. Students are less likely to stage demonstrations. And in recent years, with the government tightening its spending, the remaining stockpiles of research money are attracting greater attention. The result is that more universities are getting into classified research, or are considering it. And that worries some faculty members, who oppose such research out of fear that it will corrupt their main educational mission. It also concerns universities with longstanding programs, who worry that too many new players, motivated by money, might damage a relationship with the government that relies so heavily on trust. In the past 16 years, the Pentagon has more than doubled the number of its University Affiliated Research Centers, which give partner institutions exclusivity for research grants in their fields of specialty. In some ways, the process of deciding whether to engage in classified research is similar to that surrounding any major university investment or new project. But there are unique factors as well, including the higher and sometimes unknowable costs associated with the layers of added security, and the overall secrecy that makes it difficult to see what others are doing. While hard budget numbers on classified activities are elusive, it is no secret that the potential rewards of a successful operation can be spectacular. Johns Hopkins has been the top American academic institution in total research-and-development spending for more than 30 years; its Applied Physics Laboratory, home of the university's classified activities, now collects more than $1-billion a year, or about half of the university's $2-billion annual sum of research-and-development expenditures. Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Black Colleges; National Security; Academic Achievement; Internship Programs; Higher Education; Partnerships in Education

Abstract:
When academic leaders across the nation talk informally about institutions noted for innovative academic programs and securing choice internships and jobs for students and faculty, Fayetteville State University (FSU) in North Carolina isn't on the radar. With a new, evolving focus on cybersecurity and disaster management, FSU, a historically Black college with an enrollment of just over 5,000 students, is hoping to change those conversations, boost its standing in the academic community and secure itself for this century by helping develop a relevant workforce for the state. Fayetteville State aims to attract major grant dollars via new Center for Defense and Homeland Security. Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Law Enforcement; Factor Structure; Information Technology; Internet; Crime; Public Policy; National Security; Political Influences; College Students; Comparative Analysis; Correlation; Political Attitudes; Government Role

Abstract:
The continuing adoption of technologies by the general public coupled with the expanding reliance of critical infrastructures connected through the Internet has created unique opportunities for attacks by civilians and nation-states alike. Although governments are increasingly focusing on policies to deter nation-state level attacks, it is unclear what factors may affect citizens' decisions to engage in politically motivated cyber crime attacks against either a foreign nation-state or their own homeland. Thus, this study will explore the factors that may affect individual willingness to use technology to attack critical infrastructure online or offline using an international sample of college students. The findings compare the correlates of physical and virtual attacks, including political outlook, group equality, and involvement in cyber deviance. The implications of this research on the relationship between on- and offline infrastructure attacks will be explored in depth for policy makers, governmental agencies, and law enforcement. (Contains 2 notes and 6 tables.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Information Technology; Terrorism; Outreach Programs; Emergency Programs; Correlation; Institutional Characteristics; Police; Public Agencies; National Security; Radio; Scores; Economic Climate

Abstract:
Different elements of local police agencies' terrorism preparedness may be associated with different organizational/environmental variables. We use 2003-2007 data (showing considerable adoption and desistance of practices) on medium-to-large-sized local agencies to examine relationships between contingency (vulnerability, organizational characteristics) and contagion (network/isomorphic influence) measures and preparedness elements, including terrorism special units, dedicated assignment of personnel, terrorism-related community outreach, computerized intelligence files, and interagency-shared radio frequencies. Modeling 2007 preparedness revealed consistencies and some differences in the associations between these measures and the different preparedness elements. The finding of no association between objective vulnerability score and any terrorism preparedness action particularly warrants further research attention. It will also be important to extend preparedness research into the recent period of economic recession. (Contains 10 notes and 2 tables.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Scientific Literacy; Biological Sciences; Science Education; Economic Impact; Futures (of Society); Human Capital; Pharmacology; Pharmacy; Universities; National Security; Ethics; Politics of Education; Urban Environment; Farm Management; Horticulture

Abstract:
This article investigates the biopolitical dimensions that have grown out of the union between biocapitalism and current science education reform in the US. Drawing on science and technology study theorists, I utilize the analytics of promissory valuation and salvationary discourses to understand how scientific literacy in the neo-Sputnik era has deeply involved educational life in biocapitalist circuits of exchange and production. I lay out this emerging terrain of "futuricity" through a biopolitical analysis of the National Academies highly influential policy recommendation on science education, "Rising Above the Gathering Storm" as well as the Association of American Universities' "National Defense Education and Innovation Initiative." Here it is argued that the educational subject usually seen as a site of human capital investment can better be understood as a "biovalue" in at least two senses: the educational subject's body as a site of investment and as an extractable source of value directly related to the larger globally competitive regime of the rapidly growing bioeconomy. I conclude my analysis of the vital politics at play in the biocapitalist articulation of science education with an alternative model of scientific literacy that is based in what I call biodemocratic practices. I explore such a rereading of scientific literacy through the example of the GrowHaus--a sustainable urban farm situated in a marginalized community in a major US city. The GrowHaus offers a model of scientific literacy that rejects extractive ethics associated with biocapitalist production and instead promotes a sustainable and socially just practice of science. (Contains 14 notes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Curriculum Development; Social Systems; National Security; War; Social Studies; Secondary School Curriculum; Educational History; Federal Legislation; Educational Change; High Schools; Mathematics Instruction; Science Instruction; Second Language Instruction; Educational Finance

Abstract:
The launch of "Sputnik" in 1957 sparked a crisis in American education. Suddenly threatened by superior Soviet technology, progressive educators' concern for children's preferences, health, and adjustment in school yielded to public demands for more basic learning and academic skills. Congress soon passed the National Defense Education Act, providing millions of dollars for math, science, and foreign language instruction. By the early 1960s, educators and academics began to reexamine other aspects of the curriculum. Their efforts prompted two changes in the social studies: one was a shift from worksheets and memorization to the investigative approach of the "new social studies," the other a requirement that schools teach about the specter of international Communism. Much has been written about the first of these reforms, surprisingly little about the second. Yet, insofar as the new social studies grew out of Cold War imperatives, instruction about Communism provides an interesting perspective on its tenure in American schools. In this article, the author talks about communism in the high school curriculum from 1958 to 1968. (Contains 67 footnotes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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