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Pub Date: |
2013-03-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Descriptive |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
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Descriptors:
Internship Programs; Business Administration Education; Experiential Learning; Federal Legislation; Compliance (Legal); Minimum Wage; Civil Rights Legislation; Court Litigation; Ethics
Abstract:
The concept of serving an apprenticeship as a means of training skilled workers dates to the Middle Ages. Apprenticeships in the Middle Ages and during the Renaissance were typically seven years in duration, in order to ensure that the masters recouped their investment and that the apprentice was given sufficient time to become skilled and not simply exploited as cheap labor. The experience arguably imparted not only artisan skills, but also the tacit skills needed for professional success, such as informed intuition, judgment under pressure, ease with clients, and problem-solving abilities, skills that often improve with experience. Recently, however, the apprenticeship system is reemerging as a promising model for improving job skills, particularly in the "Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics" (STEM) fields. Currently, numerous Web sites match prospective interns to prospective positions. While today apprenticeships are typically paid positions, unpaid internships also provide a vehicle for developing both tacit and job-related skills. This article examines the pedagogical, legal, and ethical issues concerning unpaid internships and their implication for business education for the student, the employer, and the educational institution. The recent enforcement efforts by the Labor Department against employers that illegally fail to pay interns makes this a particularly timely discussion to guide all parties involved in internships. (Contains 179 footnotes.)
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Pub Date: |
2013-04-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Books; Reports - Evaluative |
Peer Reviewed: |
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Descriptors:
Affirmative Action; Racial Integration; African Americans; United States History; Racial Segregation; Civil Rights; Social Sciences; Civil Rights Legislation; Disadvantaged; Social Indicators; Democracy; Social Justice; Racial Discrimination; Social Behavior; Behavior Standards; Philosophy; Theories
Abstract:
More than forty years have passed since Congress, in response to the Civil Rights Movement, enacted sweeping antidiscrimination laws in the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Fair Housing Act of 1968. As a signal achievement of that legacy, in 2008, Americans elected their first African American president. Some would argue that we have finally arrived at a postracial America, but "The Imperative of Integration" indicates otherwise. Elizabeth Anderson demonstrates that, despite progress toward racial equality, African Americans remain disadvantaged on virtually all measures of well-being. Segregation remains a key cause of these problems, and Anderson skillfully shows why racial integration is needed to address these issues. Weaving together extensive social science findings--in economics, sociology, and psychology--with political theory, this book provides a compelling argument for reviving the ideal of racial integration to overcome injustice and inequality, and to build a better democracy. Considering the effects of segregation and integration across multiple social arenas, Anderson exposes the deficiencies of racial views on both the right and the left. She reveals the limitations of conservative explanations for black disadvantage in terms of cultural pathology within the black community and explains why color blindness is morally misguided. Multicultural celebrations of group differences are also not enough to solve our racial problems. Anderson provides a distinctive rationale for affirmative action as a tool for promoting integration, and explores how integration can be practiced beyond affirmative action. Offering an expansive model for practicing political philosophy in close collaboration with the social sciences, this book is a trenchant examination of how racial integration can lead to a more robust and responsive democracy.
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Pub Date: |
2012-12-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Reports - Research |
Peer Reviewed: |
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Descriptors:
African American Teachers; Role Models; African American Students; High School Students; Racial Attitudes; Communication (Thought Transfer); Civil Rights Legislation; Teacher Supply and Demand; Achievement Gap; School Desegregation; African American History; Race; Teaching (Occupation); Employment Potential
Abstract:
The achievement gap in the United States develops when millions of children enter the classroom on their first day of kindergarten. The sociological effects of the achievement gap as it relates to the racial and socio-economic strata create cyclical, systemic problems in our country that ultimately affect the next generations of children in our schools. The purpose of this study is to learn from adult African-American teachers about the issues confronting African-American high school students who no longer have role models in the classroom, as was previously the case, prior to school desegregation. A former teacher, of African-American history, was interviewed for the study. Results indicated that African-American teachers must take on the responsibility of engaging in conversations about race with their colleagues. The effect of this dialogue would be to help all teachers understand the challenges that all students with different cultural backgrounds face in the contemporary high school. Because there are so few African-American teachers, African-American students frequently lack role models with whom they can easily identify. This can negatively impact self-esteem for students and can keep students and teachers of all races from building rapport. Sometimes, it can even keep students from accessing the academic content.
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Full Text (184K)
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Author(s): |
Hawkins, B. Denise |
Source: |
Diverse: Issues in Higher Education, v29 n17 p10-11 Sep 2012 |
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Pub Date: |
2012-09-27 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Descriptive |
Peer Reviewed: |
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Descriptors:
Civil Rights; Higher Education; African American Leadership; African Americans; Civil Rights Legislation; Minority Groups; Minority Group Students; Racial Segregation; Voting; Activism
Abstract:
On the night of Feb. 8, 1960, J. Charles Jones, then a student of religion and psychology at Johnson C. Smith University, knew instinctively what it was he needed to do for his generation. He first met with a handful of other classmates and friends, letting them know what he had just learned on the radio--other Black students in neighboring Greensboro, N.C. had begun staging lunch counter sit-ins at the five and dime. The next day, Jones told them, he planned to do the same. Dressed in his "Sunday-go-to-meeting clothes," and with some "sweet water" dabbed under his arms, an anxious but determined Jones was planning to make his way alone to Woolworth's in downtown Charlotte, N.C. He was going to order a meal and integrate the all-White lunch counter. But before he stepped off the campus and into the fray, nearly 300 Smith students turned out to join Jones in what was the beginning of a quiet riot and boycott that soon shut down Charlotte's businesses, and in just short of a year, pried them open to Black patrons. Jones, an emphatic Howard University-trained attorney, with an ever-ready rhythm and rhyme, and nimble recollections, was one of the faces and voices city visitors to the 2012 Democratic National Convention saw and heard when they turned on local media. His was among the stories Johnson C. Smith students told of life and residents in Charlotte's historic West End community. The author describes how Johnson C. Smith University students follow in the footsteps of civil rights activists.
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Pub Date: |
2012-11-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Research |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
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Descriptors:
Social Justice; African Americans; Racial Segregation; Civil Rights Legislation; Foreign Countries; Dining Facilities; History Instruction; United States History; Social Action
Abstract:
One spring afternoon, a group of young black students enter a local eating establishment with one modest desire--to sit with friends and enjoy a cup of coffee. They wait patiently, but are only served dirty looks, cold shoulders, and some choice words. Such an experience was not uncommon in Chicago in the early 1940s. Segregation, though illegal, was alive and visible to all who chose to notice. Despite the humiliation, the students remain seated, hour after hour. Such were the humble beginnings of the long and arduous journey towards social justice in America. Most traditional histories of the African-American Civil Rights Movement focus on major events of the South during the 1950s-1960s, including desegregation of schools, Southern lunch counter sit-ins, and the 1963 March on Washington. While such emphasis has illuminated African-American conflicts against de jure segregation of the Deep South, it has also, inadvertently, obscured earlier struggles against de facto segregation in the North. In fact, the foundation of the civil liberties campaign was laid in Northern cities as far back as the early 1940s. Two of the earliest instances of Northern protests took place in Chicago in 1943 as sit-ins at Jack Spratt's Coffee House and Stoner's Restaurant. These and other early Northern nonviolent direct action sit-ins were seeds of the Civil Rights Reform Movement. While initially resulting in modest successes of limited scope, these seeds eventually grew into an effective strategy for achieving desegregation of local dining facilities and public accommodations, gained broader appeal in both Northern and Southern states, and blossomed to become a small yet integral component of the Mass Civil Rights Reform Movement of the 1950s-1960s, which ultimately led to the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. (Contains 43 notes.)
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Author(s): |
Travis, Jon E. |
Source: |
Thought & Action, v28 p91-102 Fall 2012 |
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Pub Date: |
2012-00-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Descriptive |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
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Descriptors:
Access to Education; Higher Education; Academic Freedom; Governance; Power Structure; Civil Rights; Civil Rights Legislation; Investment; Public Colleges; Political Influences; Political Power; Politics of Education; Critical Theory; Political Attitudes; Resistance to Change; Activism; Barriers
Abstract:
When these inequities began to change in the 20th century, due in part to the sweeping court-ordered integration following Brown v. Board of Education and the simultaneous expansion of public colleges and universities, all citizens began to gain access to educational achievement and, as a result, true access to the American power structure. The powerful elites took notice and were not always willing to share control over the political system. Over the years, their resistance to equal opportunity has continued despite numerous court decisions and significant legislation (e.g., the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964). And it has grown increasingly organized and well funded. Identified as the "anti-egalitarians," individuals hostile to the tenets of American liberty, these oligarchs understand that by restricting educational access to the rich and white, by targeting public investment in higher education, and by attacking such democratic concepts as need-based aid, academic freedom, and shared governance, they can effectively restrict participation in the American governmental system. These are the people who seek to destroy public institutions of higher education. As incomprehensible as such an agenda may appear to those who support equality, respected researchers have been issuing similar warnings for more than 20 years. This article reemphasizes their warning of a very significant threat to public education in America and issues an urgent call to action for all educators and the public as well. Allowing anti-egalitarians to destroy public higher education in the U.S. would be a tragedy. Waiting for someone else to solve this problem would be a costly mistake. (Contains 36 endnotes.)
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Author(s): |
Ransom, Marilee |
Source: |
Childhood Education, v88 n6 p394-397 2012 |
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Pub Date: |
2012-00-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Descriptive |
Peer Reviewed: |
Yes |
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Descriptors:
Teaching Methods; Parent Role; Childrens Rights; Family Relationship; Parent Rights; Educational Strategies; Civil Rights Legislation; Treaties; Classroom Environment; Classroom Techniques; Teacher Role; Teacher Response; Child Advocacy; Change Strategies; Best Practices
Abstract:
The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) is the most widely ratified human rights treaty in history, yet the United States has failed to ratify it, despite the efforts of countless supporters. Opponents of ratification in the United States have been effective at preventing ratification by asserting that the CRC will damage family relationships and undermine parental authority, among other things (Fagan, Sauders, & Fragoso, 2009; Farris, 2005; Schlafly, 1993). The author believes--as do many in the pro-ratification community--that these concerns are unwarranted for a number of reasons. First, the language of the CRC is clear with regard to the important role of parents. Second, the author believes that most of the rights contained in the CRC are already granted to children under U.S. law. Third, the CRC can be ratified with statements that can address parental rights and other issues in a manner sufficient to satisfy opponents (Smolin, 2006). Fourth, treaties in the United States are often ratified with non-self-execution clauses, meaning that they require further legislative action in order for them to become enforceable. This article is grounded in the author's belief that educators are the professional group most uniquely poised to safeguard and further the rights of children. Educators understand the needs of the whole child and can help bridge the space between policymakers, the public, communities, and families. Here, the author discusses two broad categories for children's rights-based educator action: action inside and outside of the classroom. Inside the classroom, she suggests that teachers take a global, rights-based approach to some of their instruction. Outside the classroom, she suggests the following actions: (1) advocate for CRC ratification; (2) promote policies that recognize children's needs and respect children's dignity; and (3) support instruction and assessment that reflect the true purposes of education and recognize children's education rights.
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Pub Date: |
2012-04-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Descriptive |
Peer Reviewed: |
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Descriptors:
Students; Handheld Devices; Ownership; Search and Seizure; Student Rights; Student School Relationship; Telecommunications; Sexual Harassment; Bullying; Administrative Principles; Legal Responsibility; School Law; Civil Rights; Civil Rights Legislation; Student Behavior; Administrator Behavior; Court Litigation; Decision Making; Ambiguity (Context)
Abstract:
As Internet-based communications and interactions by and between students and school staff become more prevalent, an appreciation of school rules for student behavior is important. Students carry electronic devices, sending and receiving communications inside and outside school, so two key questions exist regarding search and seizure of such devices: (1) What are the limits on a school's authority to search or seize student property relative to sexting and/or cyberbullying?; and (2) To what extent can a school regulate off-campus sexting and cyberbullying when it relates to students? Foundational legal principles in this area were established by the U.S. Supreme Court decades ago in "Tinker v. Des Moines," when the court confirmed that students enjoy certain constitutional protections while at school. When investigating potential student misconduct relative to sexting and cyberbullying, schools must still operate within the parameters of the Constitution regarding due process, free speech, and search and seizure rights. When the seriousness or shocking nature of a student's misconduct online affects other students or school staff, it makes the misconduct difficult to ignore. But certain limits exist on school authority to regulate off-campus behaviors or to conduct lawful searches. Schools are charged with addressing bullying or harassing behaviors (including cyberbullying) under recent amendments to the Illinois School Code. And according to a "Dear Colleague Letter" from the U.S. Department of Education's Office of Civil Rights (OCR) dated October 26, 2010, a school that does nothing (if it has the authority to act) could run afoul of the civil rights laws that OCR enforces. The Illinois Legislature also has created new statutes imposing criminal sanctions for cyberstalking and prohibitions on sexting by minors. This means schools need to balance both the need to understand students' rights and protections in this area, while taking reasonable, lawful steps to assure that students and staff are not being victimized.
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