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Descriptors:
Foreign Countries; Canada Natives; Mathematics Education; Mathematical Concepts; American Indian Education; American Indian Students; Elementary Secondary Education; Mathematics Instruction; Teaching Methods; American Indian Languages

Abstract:
As part of a larger project focused on decolonising mathematics education for Aboriginal students in Atlantic Canada, this article reports on the role of the Mi'kmaw language in mathematics teaching. By exploring how mathematical concepts are talked about (or not talked about) in the Mi'kmaw language, teachers and researchers can gain insight into how Mi'kmaw children think about mathematical concepts. It is argued that much can be learned by asking questions such as "What's the word for... ?" or "Is there a word for... ?" Numerous examples of such conversations are presented. It is argued that particular complexities arise when words such as "flat" and "middle" are taken-for-granted as shared, but in fact do not have common use in the Mi'kmaw language. By understanding these complexities and being aware of the potential challenges for Mi'kmaw learners, teachers can better meet the needs of these students. It is argued that understanding Aboriginal languages can provide valuable insight to support Aboriginal learners in mathematics. Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Foreign Countries; Program Descriptions; Number Concepts; Numbers; Number Systems; Instructional Materials; Material Development; Indigenous Populations; Elementary School Teachers; Instructional Design; Indigenous Personnel; American Indians; American Indian Languages; American Indian Education; Native Language; Ethnology; Mathematics

Abstract:
Results from a project conducted in Mexico are discussed, in which a group of 17 indigenous teachers analyzed the numeration systems of their first language. The main goal of the project is to develop resources that help teachers in supporting students' understanding of the systems. In the first phase of the project, the central organizing ideas of 14 numeration systems were specified. Each system belonged to a different Mesoamerican language. Three aspects of the systems were identified that would have to be accounted for in instructional design. They include using 20 as a multiplicative base. Examples are presented of the instructional resources that indigenous teachers could use to help their students understand the quantitative rationales of the systems. Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Parent Child Relationship; Foreign Countries; Language Acquisition; Ideology; Multilingualism; Language Planning; Participant Observation; Mexican Americans; American Indians; American Indian Languages; Immigration; Parent Attitudes; Language Attitudes; Language Maintenance; English (Second Language); Second Language Learning; Intervention; Spanish

Abstract:
San Lucas Quiavini is a community of Zapotec (Otomanguean) speakers in Oaxaca, Mexico. Since the 1970s, the community has seen large-scale migration to Los Angeles, California, where about half the community now resides. Participant observation and interviews conducted over nine years in both locales, with a focus on interactional patterns in the home domain, indicate that parental language ideologies concerning the relationship between language and place of birth, the nature of multilingual acquisition and impact belief--the belief that parents have as to the level of control they can exercise over their children's language choices (De Houwer in "Studies on language acquisition." Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin, 1999), taken together, disfavor the maintenance of the heritage language. In particular, a weak impact belief undermines parents' ability to engage in language interventions in support of San Lucas Quiavini Zapotec. As a result, family-external language intervention factors that promote language shift, such as the school and peer groups, exert great influence. With a substantial number of San Lucas families living in California and their impact on language choices in the home community (Perez Baez in press), family language policy is of great relevance to the survival prospects of San Lucas Quiavini Zapotec not only in diaspora but also in the home community. Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Youth; Alaska Natives; Language Patterns; Ideology; Language Planning; Migration; Linguistic Borrowing; Ethnography; American Indian Languages; American Indians; English (Second Language); Second Language Learning; Longitudinal Studies; Cultural Influences

Abstract:
Few studies ethnographically detail how Indigenous young people's mobility intersects with sociolinguistic transformation in an interconnected world. Drawing on a decade-long study of youth and language contact, I analyze Yup'ik young people's migration in relation to emerging language ideologies and patterns of language use in "Piniq," (pseudonym), a Yup'ik village in Alaska, as villagers experienced a rapid language shift to English. Spatiotemporally situating young migrants' experiences joining different peer groups at different times, I highlight how young people's linguistic repertoires and everyday negotiations of peer belonging in Piniq were intimately related to the accumulating (trans)local impacts of migration and schooling in the small but highly complex village context. I also show how taking youth migration and intragenerational, longitudinal timescales into account in rapidly transforming sociolinguistic settings can help bring into focus the "layered simultaneity" (Blommaert, 2005) of Indigenous youth language practice and the distributed nature of contemporary Indigenous linguistic ecologies. Implications for language planning are briefly discussed. (Contains 2 footnotes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Ethnic Groups; Latin Americans; Writing (Composition); Foreign Policy; American Indians; Indigenous Populations; Drinking; Language of Instruction; Violence; American Indian Culture; American Indian Languages; Spanish; Authors; Latin American History; Foreign Countries; Ideology; Power Structure

Abstract:
Much has been written about "indianismo" and "indigenismo" and their literary and social meaning, but rarely have these two "criollo" movements been positioned face to face with actual Indigenous expression. This article attempts a preliminary pass at just such an approach by comparing four indigenous themes established by Manuel Gonzalez Prada's essay "Nuestros indios" (1904) with analogous approximations in "Me llamo Rigoberta Menchu y asi me nacio la conciencia" (1985). Notwithstanding their different national contexts, manner of composition, and periods of composition, there is a surprising conformity between both texts' respective discursive positions on four topics: 1) the problem of the "caporal", or overseer, who rises up over his own ethnic group; 2) the negative impact of alcohol among indigenous communities; 3) the conundrum of language and culture with respect to education; and 4) the turn toward violence as a response to internal colonialism. The consonance between Gonzalez Prada's Peruvian "indigenismo" and Rigoberta Menchu's Quiche perspective as dictated to anthropologist Elizabeth Burgos could be a coincidence, but it also suggests a common frame of reference for a "criollo"-indigenous dialogue in the context of persistent internal colonialism in two Latin American countries with large Amerindian populations. (Contains 28 notes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
American Indians; American Indian Culture; American Indian Languages; Adults; Native Speakers; Language Patterns; Figurative Language; Spanish; Orientation; World Views; Ethnography; Interviews; Foreign Countries

Abstract:
The Aymara of the Andes use absolute (cardinal) frames of reference for describing the relative position of ordinary objects. However, rather than encoding them in available absolute lexemes, they do it in lexemes that are intrinsic to the body: "nayra" ("front") and "qhipa" ("back"), denoting east and west, respectively. Why? We use different but complementary ethnographic methods to investigate the nature of this encoding: (a) linguistic expressions and speech-gesture co-production, (b) linguistic patterns in the distinct regional Spanish-based variety "Castellano Andino" (CA), (c) metaphorical extensions of CA's spatial patterns to temporal ones, and (d) layouts of traditional houses. Findings indicate that, following fundamental principles of Aymara cosmology, people, objects, and land--as a whole--are conceived as having an implicit canonical orientation facing east, a primary landmark determined by the sunrise. The above bodily based lexicalizations are thus linguistic manifestations of a broader macro-cultural worldview and its psycho-cognitive reality. (Contains 8 notes, 9 figures, and 1 table.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Maya (People); Caregivers; Linguistic Input; Language Acquisition; Adults; American Indian Languages; Observation; Comparative Analysis; Interpersonal Communication; Vocabulary Development; Infants; Video Technology; Prediction; Toddlers; Foreign Countries

Abstract:
Theories of language acquisition have highlighted the importance of adult speakers as active participants in children's language learning. However, in many communities children are reported to be directly engaged by their caregivers only rarely (Lieven, 1994). This observation raises the possibility that these children learn language from observing, rather than participating in, communicative exchanges. In this paper, we quantify naturally occurring language input in one community where directed interaction with children has been reported to be rare (Yucatec Mayan). We compare this input to the input heard by children growing up in large families in the United States, and we consider how directed and overheard input relate to Mayan children's later vocabulary. In Study 1, we demonstrate that 1-year-old Mayan children do indeed hear a smaller proportion of total input in directed speech than children from the US. In Study 2, we show that for Mayan (but not US) children, there are great increases in the proportion of directed input that children receive between 13 and 35 months. In Study 3, we explore the validity of using videotaped data in a Mayan village. In Study 4, we demonstrate that word types directed to Mayan children from adults at 24 months (but not word types overheard by children or word types directed from other children) predict later vocabulary. These findings suggest that adult talk directed to children is important for early word learning, even in communities where much of children's early language input comes from overheard speech. (Contains 3 figures, 4 tables, and 7 footnotes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Ethnicity; Monolingualism; Foreign Countries; Children; Self Concept; Urban Areas; Spanish; Bilingualism; American Indian Languages; American Indians; Cultural Context

Abstract:
The aim of this article is to study how children experience their ethnic identifications in relation to their knowledge of the Toba language through daily interactions with peers and adults (both indigenous and non-indigenous). The study is focused on an urban setting in Buenos Aires (Argentina) where monolingual (Spanish) practices are replacing bilingual ones (Spanish-Toba), and where the Toba language is a valuable feature of ethnicity. From an anthropological perspective, this article focuses on the identity constructions of the children. Finally, it re-examines the agency of the children and looks at how their life experiences impact on their contextual identities. (Contains 4 notes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Tribes; Language Maintenance; Language Skill Attrition; Native Language; American Indian Studies; American Indian Languages; Language Minorities

Abstract:
Among Oklahoma's 2,636-member Wichita tribe, octogenarian Doris McLemore is the sole person who fluently speaks the native language. And Terri Parton, president of Wichita and Affiliated Tribes, says that makes her both a treasure and an imperiled, cultural linchpin. Developing a coterie of community-based American Indians who are restoring, recording and inputting tribal languages into a publicly accessible online database is a broad aim of the project focusing on Oklahoma, which has 39 officially recognized tribes. In addition to Wichita, the participants include the Alabama, Apache, Shawnee and Natchez Indians. Linguists and historians partly link the language loss to compulsory efforts to keep American Indians from communicating in their tribal tongues. Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
High School Students; Foreign Countries; Graduation Rate; Federal Legislation; American Indians; American Indian Education; Immersion Programs; Native Language Instruction; American Indian Languages; Academic Achievement; Culturally Relevant Education; Self Determination; Tribally Controlled Education; Canada Natives

Abstract:
In 1999, under federal government legislation, Mi'kmaw communities in Nova Scotia won the right to manage the education of their children for the first time in a century. With support from Mi'kmaw Kina'matnewey, an education authority that provides central services, local Mi'kmaw schools deliver language immersion courses, culturally-appropriate teaching pedagogy and other initiatives to promote student success. In 2010-11, Mi'kmaw Kina'matnewey reported a high school student graduation rate of 75 per cent for students in the system, twice the Canadian average. The self-governance arrangement is drawing attention as a possible model for First Nation education in Canada. Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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