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Pub Date: |
2004-05-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Journal Articles; Reports - Evaluative |
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Yes |
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Descriptors:
Females; Males; Dating (Social); Violence; Parent Influence; Power Structure; Gender Differences; Undergraduate Students; Parent Child Relationship; Predictor Variables; Satisfaction
Abstract:
This study focuses on the relationship between an individual's dissatisfaction with the level of power they have in their dating relationships, parental violence they experienced during their childhoods, and their dating violence perpetration. A sample of 352 male and 296 female undergraduate college students completed a dating violence survey, including selected subscales from the Revised Conflict Tactics Scales (CTS2) and the Relationship Power Scale. Findings show that relationship power dissatisfaction is associated with the use of violence in dating relationships for both men and women. However, parental violence emerged as an even stronger predictor of dating violence perpetration. Findings also indicate that male perpetration of dating violence is related to mother's violence, whereas female perpetration of dating violence is related to father's violence. The results indicate the importance of including gender in the study of dating violence perpetration.
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Pub Date: |
1988-07-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Speeches/Meeting Papers; Reports - Research |
Peer Reviewed: |
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Descriptors:
Audience Response; Broadcast Television; Mass Media Effects; News Media; Social Cognition; Surveys; Television Research; Television Viewing
Abstract:
To measure Denver viewers' parasocial tendencies (inclinations to establish vicarious relationships) with TV news personalities, a study conducted a telephone survey in the Denver metropolitan area in October and November, 1987. The study examined viewer reactions to four local stations'"news teams" and individual news "personalities," focusing strictly on viewership of their primary newscasts, and using a parasocial framework, developed by Rebecca B. Rubin, consisting of 20 statements tapping parasocial interaction in TV news. Prior to the interviewing, a pretest using a similar survey was conducted, involving residents of Athens, Ohio. For the Denver survey, 800 phone numbers were selected at random and 303 valid responses were obtained. Findings revealed a high correlation between news team parasocial interaction and viewership, with news teams having the greatest numbers of viewers also evoking the greatest parasocial interaction. Yet although audience members conceded their parasocial inclinations, they did not discriminate well between the personalities, possibly indicating that TV news parasocial interaction is team-centered. (Five tables of data are included, and 38 footnotes are appended.) (MM)
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ERIC
Full Text (453K)
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Pub Date: |
1988-07-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Speeches/Meeting Papers; Historical Materials |
Peer Reviewed: |
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Descriptors:
Mass Media Effects; Mass Media Role; Media Research; Persuasive Discourse; Political Campaigns; Presidents of the United States; Public Opinion; Television Viewing
Abstract:
This paper argues that Dwight Eisenhower's use of television in the political campaign in 1956 helped mark the rise of the centralized presidential campaign strategy. To determine the impact of television on this campaign and describe the campaign's inner workings, the paper recounts (1) the Republican dilemma over the use of television and the electability of Republican candidates across the nation; (2) the vision of the advertising agencies and the key players in the Eisenhower campaign for the role television could play; (3) the development of the advertising strategy; (4) the image blitz; and (5) the lessons to be learned from television's use in a national campaign. The paper concludes that television may not have successfully come to the aid of the Republican party, but the harvest of television thinking and innovation that began then has helped to drive politics and the media ever since. One hundred and twelve notes are included. (MS)
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Pub Date: |
1987-08-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Speeches/Meeting Papers; Reports - Research; Historical Materials |
Peer Reviewed: |
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Descriptors:
Broadcast Television; Mass Media Effects; Political Candidates; Political Influences; Presidential Campaigns (United States); Television Commercials; Television Research
Abstract:
Contrary to the prevailing view that 1952 was the year of the first nationally televised political conventions, only 32 states had TV stations at that time; nor did the term "TV candidate" originate in the Kennedy (1960) or Nixon (1968) campaigns. In fact, it is Dwight Eisenhower and the campaign of 1956 that deserve this recognition. Contemporary journals, memoirs, and live interviews with members of each party's presidential campaign show that Eisenhower's 1956 election committee was the first to make television the primary component in a presidential campaign, substituting live TV appeals for campaign travel because of the president's ill health. The Republican convention innovated technology and production styles such as on-the-floor interviews, split screens, on-screen vote totals, and teleprompters. Abandoning the traditional whistle stop strategy in favor of select airplane appearances in politically crucial locales, Eisenhower relied on television to achieve blanket exposure. In contrast to the Republicans, Adlai Stevenson, the Democratic candidate, viewed the medium as a necessary evil, used grass-roots campaigning, neglected television strategies, and faltered during TV appearances. Although television's effect on the election outcome cannot be assessed, post-election studies indicate that TV enhanced Eisenhower's image, particularly that of his health, while Stevenson bemoaned the impossibility of making issues during a media influenced campaign. Campaign participants in both parties used their 1956 experience with television in later elections. This and other findings suggest that the 1956 campaign had greater impact on mass media history than previously recognized. (JG)
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Pub Date: |
1987-08-00 |
Pub Type(s): |
Speeches/Meeting Papers; Reports - Research |
Peer Reviewed: |
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Descriptors:
Accident Prevention; Air Transportation; Aircraft Pilots; Broadcast Industry; News Reporting; Occupational Safety and Health; Radio; Television
Abstract:
A number of flight accidents in recent years have made the use of helicopters in news coverage controversial. Radio or television reporters are sometimes asked to fly under unsafe conditions simply because competing stations have sent up their reporters. Although pilots have the right to refuse to fly if they feel conditions are dubious, they too may be influenced by journalistic pressures. The National Broadcast Pilots' Association was formed in 1986 and plans soon to initiate flight guidelines that cover (1) specific minimum conditions for flight, (2) enforcement of pilot veto power, (3) mandatory written policies, and (4) withholding story information from pilot. Since any policy decision remains in the hands of executives, 120 news directors were sent questionnaires about the use of helicopters for reporting the news. Responses indicated that executives generally do not perceive a problem in "helicopter journalism" and have little interest in industry-wide guidelines. Only a few stations indicated that they have implemented their own guidelines. The results indicated a number of misconceptions: three news directors insisted that the FAA regulates their use of helicopters, but in fact the FAA is not involved in "helicopter journalism." Others said that guidelines would violate free press rights. Issues raised by this study require further examination, particularly in light of the 10 deaths that occurred in news helicopter crashes during 1986. (Tables of data and a list of 23 references are included.) (AEW)
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