Your search found 222963 results.

Descriptors:
United States History; Civil Rights; Textbooks; Civil Rights Legislation; Labor; Unions; Activism; Federal Legislation; History Instruction; Textbook Evaluation

Abstract:
This article presents a detailed example from the Albert Shanker Institute's report that shows the error of U.S. history textbooks and how it is distorting the historical record. One of the most glaring errors in textbooks is the treatment of the role that unions and labor activists played as key participants in the civil rights movement. The textbook coverage of the civil rights movement is quite good, but the omission of organized labor's contribution to that movement is deeply problematic and seriously distorts the historical record. This article shows that there is no mention in the textbooks of labor's role in supporting the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. In short, the picture painted by U.S. history textbooks simply airbrushes labor out of this vital historical period and, in the process, paints an incomplete picture of both the labor and civil rights movements. (Contains 16 endnotes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

Related Items: Show Related Items

Full-Text Availability Options:

 ERIC Full Text (185K) |  More Info:
Help Find in a Library

Descriptors:
United States History; High Schools; Textbooks; Democracy; Labor; Secondary Education; Textbook Evaluation; Civil Rights; Social Influences; Political Influences; Unions

Abstract:
In the high school history textbooks children read, too often they find that labor's role in American history--and labor's important accomplishments, which changed American life--are misrepresented, downplayed, or ignored. That is a tragedy because labor played (and continues to play) a key role in the development of American democracy and the American way of life. This article examines four high school textbooks developed by some of the leading publishers in the country: (1) "The American Vision," published by Glencoe/McGraw-Hill in 2010; (2) "American Anthem: Modern American History," published by Holt, Rinehart, and Winston/Harcourt in 2009; (3) "United States History," published by Prentice Hall/Pearson in 2010; and (4) "The Americans," published by McDougal Littell/Houghton Mifflin in 2009. Together, these books represent a significant percentage of the purchasing market for high school history textbooks. This review of high school history textbooks finds spotty, inadequate, and slanted coverage of the labor movement. Such coverage shortchanges students by not giving them a full and accurate account of labor history and the struggles of citizens acting collectively to bring about social progress and change. (Contains 18 endnotes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

Related Items: Show Related Items

Full-Text Availability Options:

 ERIC Full Text (562K) |  More Info:
Help Find in a Library

Descriptors:
Unions; Collective Bargaining; Labor; College Faculty; Employment; Laws; Fees; Criticism; State Legislation; Advocacy; Financial Support

Abstract:
Faculty unions outside Michigan have reason to be concerned with its passage of legislation barring unions from collecting fees from workers who do not join them. But the experiences of faculty unions in states that adopted such laws years ago suggest that while the measures can be a major hindrance to their work, they are not a death blow. Proponents of such measures, who have succeeded in getting them widely known as "right to work" laws, and even many of the measures' critics see their adoption by Michigan, a stronghold of organized labor, as portending support for them in statehouses elsewhere. Among the states likely to seriously consider such legislation this year are Missouri, New Hampshire, and Pennsylvania. The measures generally hurt unions' ability to recruit members and raise money by creating situations where workers benefit from a union's advocacy and services without joining it as a dues-paying member or otherwise supporting it financially. A look at faculty groups in states that already have such laws shows, however, that collective bargaining can survive. The laws' impact on unions, for the most part, appear less severe than some labor organizers might fear. Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

Related Items: Show Related Items

Full-Text Availability Options:

More Info:
Help | Tutorial Help Finding Full Text |  More Info:
Help Find in a Library |  Publisher's website

Descriptors:
Foreign Countries; Democracy; Adult Education; Migrant Workers; Unions; Immigration; Refugees; Higher Education; College Role; Social Justice; Educational Philosophy; Role of Education; Educational History; Educational Practices; International Education; School Community Relationship; Political Issues; Political Attitudes; Labor Education; Church Role; Interviews; Activism; Social Action; Social Theories; Popular Education; Politics of Education

Abstract:
The article is based on activist research working in an anti-deportation social movement, and on sixteen interviews with both experienced and less experienced activists between 2009 and 2011. The anti deportation social movement made up of a range of organisations, is identified as a left social movement situated in an historic producer proletarian culture of manual work in coal and steel. South Yorkshire, a heartland of twentieth century social democracy, developed a tradition of workers' popular adult education integrated with a range of left social movements. Popular adult education institutions emerged post 1945 which "educated" a wide range of labour movement organisers--politicians, union officers and leaders. The institutions were often formed out of popular adult education initiatives by students of past programmes and staff who were themselves politicians, trade union advisers and activists in left social movements. South Yorkshire was de-industrialised in the 1980s and 1990s and since 2000 has become a destination for refugees, and migrant workers from Central Europe. The anti-deportation social movement is based on experienced activists drawing on the experience and values of a "society of purpose" in South Yorkshire and expressing a "politics of outrage". The organisations within the social movement exploit what remains of the popular adult education traditions but also deploy a range of antiracist and political education methods. Asylum seekers and refugee activists involved in the movement pursue "really useful knowledge" for personal, political and collective liberation. The article sheds light on the interrelationships between organising and educating, and the importance of re-historicising and politicising social movement theories. (Contains 6 notes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

Related Items: Show Related Items

Full-Text Availability Options:

More Info:
Help | Tutorial Help Finding Full Text |  More Info:
Help Find in a Library |  Publisher's website

Descriptors:
Workplace Literacy; Unions; Numeracy; Foreign Countries; Barriers; Educational Practices; Labor Education; Vocational Education; Institutional Role; Educational Needs; Educational Opportunities; Industrial Training; Change Strategies

Abstract:
This paper first examines the current literacy and numeracy "crisis" in Australian workplaces where loss of productivity, lack of take-up in training, and skills shortages are being blamed on workers' lack of literacy and numeracy skills. Literacy and numeracy in workplaces are more complex and require alternative understandings of literacy and numeracy as well as the perspectives of workers themselves. Secondly, this paper discusses the opportunity for unions to demonstrate their stake in the education and training of workers. We ask what possibilities are there for this to happen; and what models exist from which Australian trade unions can draw? In the UK the Trade Union Congress (TUC) successfully negotiated with the Labour Government, to establish a Union Learning Fund (ULF) and give recognition to union learning representatives (ULRs), to facilitate learning for workers. The paper considers what new directions Australian unions might explore in the emerging VET policy environment. Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

Related Items: Show Related Items

Full-Text Availability Options:

More Info:
Help | Tutorial Help Finding Full Text |  More Info:
Help Find in a Library |  Publisher's website

Descriptors:
Freedom of Speech; Constitutional Law; Labor; Unions; Journalism; Economic Change; Depression (Psychology); United States History; Mass Media; Social Studies

Abstract:
The Depression and the New Deal brought together a variety of conditions and social forces that set up a formative clash over the institution of professional journalism. At the heart of that fight was the rise of the American Newspaper Guild and its battle for control over the trusteeship of the freedom of the press. The experience in the news industry in the 1930s displayed the collective shortcomings and the aspirations of democratic journalism up to that point in time, and it set in motion a reconstruction of a model of American journalism that has dominated until the present day tumult over the future of the news. The Progressive Era's failure to establish a public sphere inhabited by autonomous journalists and constrained capitalists produced a crisis in the press system and a window of opportunity for the burgeoning union movement during the New Deal. The ANG stepped into that historical moment and attempted to formulate a new idea of professional journalism, an institution sustained by a labor union, rather than a commercial trusteeship. It was an attempt to achieve, cultivate, and protect a true institution of professional journalism operating on the majoritarian view of the First Amendment through real social, political, and economic change from the bottom up. The concluding chapter of the dissertation takes up the question of what the history of the Guild in the 1930s means for the broader history of American journalism from the post-war to the present. [The dissertation citations contained here are published with the permission of ProQuest LLC. Further reproduction is prohibited without permission. Copies of dissertations may be obtained by Telephone (800) 1-800-521-0600. Web page: http://www.proquest.com/en-US/products/dissertations/individuals.shtml.] Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

Related Items: Show Related Items

Full-Text Availability Options:

More Info:
Help | Tutorial Help Finding Full Text |  More Info:
Help Find in a Library |  Publisher's website

Descriptors:
Females; Social Studies; Foreign Countries; Social Mobility; Academic Aspiration; Educational Attainment; Ideology; Disadvantaged; Marriage; Cultural Capital; Access to Education; Labor; Case Studies; Secondary Education

Abstract:
This article is concerned with the relationship between education, aspiration, and social mobility in Chhattisgarh, central India. I am interested in how the ideology of education as an intrinsic "social good" squares with the everyday experiences of marginalized "adivasi" (tribal) girls. My aim is to understand why education is differently valued by children and adults, and the ways in which girls' education-related aspirations are altered in relation to the changing possibilities of realizing them. (Contains 13 notes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

Related Items: Show Related Items

Full-Text Availability Options:

More Info:
Help | Tutorial Help Finding Full Text |  More Info:
Help Find in a Library |  Publisher's website

Descriptors:
Foreign Countries; Productivity; Labor Education; Labor; Economic Factors; Labor Force Development; Role of Education; Government Role; Social Environment; Comparative Education; Educational Environment; Educational Development; Educational Policy; Economic Change; Educational History; Politics of Education; Social Change

Abstract:
Although there is a considerable body of research regarding the relationships between the sociopolitical and economic transition and its implications for the education system in South Korea, there is little known about how sociopolitical and economic factors affect labor education practice in South Korea. The premise of the study is that the development of labor education is driven not only by workers' needs but also by the state's policy to increase productivity while keeping the labor movement and political expression under control. Since many educators often overlook the importance of labor education by excluding it from adult education, very few studies have been conducted to identify the relationship between sociopolitical and economic factors and labor education in South Korea. The purpose of the study is thus to examine the effect of particular combinations of social, political, and economic forces on the development and expansion of labor education in South Korea during the period between the 1960s and the 1990s. The results of the study can be compared with studies of other countries that underwent a similar pattern of political and economic transformation. (Contains 2 tables.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

Related Items: Show Related Items

Full-Text Availability Options:

More Info:
Help | Tutorial Help Finding Full Text |  More Info:
Help Find in a Library |  Publisher's website

Descriptors:
Unions; Labor; Graduate Students; Humanities; Sustainability; German; College Faculty; Professional Associations

Abstract:
Funny thing about pebbles dropped and the ripples they create. The pebble the author dropped years ago was agreeing to serve as a student liaison to the department in her graduate program at the University of Texas at Austin. That position, which normally meant little more than attendance at regularly scheduled graduate student and department meetings, quickly created ripples of labor activism that have now spanned and shaped much of her career. Her motivation for accepting the position was equal parts wanting to do her share in the program and curiosity about faculty meetings, topped with an opportunistic desire to develop the "service" section of her still-skeletal CV. But an unexpected assignment to get some basic information for her fellow graduate student instructors in Germanic studies from the unit that represented "instructional workers" in a branch of the Communications Workers of America union quickly opened her eyes to a world of labor activism that she had never before associated with academia. That awakening, in turn, led her to a wide variety of other opportunities, which she accepted at first hesitantly but increasingly with a passion that has given great meaning to her professional life. The simple lesson for her continues to be somewhat paradoxical: saying "yes" to service that one feels less than passionate about may ultimately lead to passion. Or it may not. But, at the least, it will usually teach something helpful about oneself and the communities of which one is part. In their recent thought-provoking and timely essay, "The Sustainable Humanities," Stephanie Lemenager and Stephanie Foote argue for making the humanities "central to discussions of what sustainability is and might be." The author believes that the engagement of humanities disciplinary organizations in the metaprofessional issues such as fair hiring practices, support for contingent labor, gender equity, and family support constitutes a vital contribution to the discussion on sustainability. Academic service is almost always interdisciplinary, since so much of it demands engaging with colleagues and students across academic units or subspecialties. Service thus inherently models much of what is needed for the future of sustainable academic units and institutions. In this article, the author argues that it's time for sustainable service that doesn't exceed one's "ecological carrying capacities." Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

Related Items: Show Related Items

Full-Text Availability Options:

More Info:
Help | Tutorial Help Finding Full Text |  More Info:
Help Find in a Library |  Publisher's website

Descriptors:
Educational Policy; Higher Education; Adjunct Faculty; Stakeholders; Democratic Values; Unions; Labor; Colleges; Service Occupations

Abstract:
Higher education is at a crossroads, not only in the U.S. but also globally. This challenge is prompting an immigrant union to once again take up the labor movement's historic role of speaking for the common good and the broad interests of working people. Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Local 615 represents 18,000 property service workers in Massachusetts and Rhode Island, 5,000 of whom are employed in 48 colleges and universities as janitors, trades people, food service and security workers. (Nationally, SEIU represents 75,000 members in both public and private nonprofit higher education institutions, 10,000 of whom are adjunct faculty.) Why in the world does a custodial union care about higher education policy? Until now, labor associations representing academics, like the American Association of University Professors (AAUP), have been the most prominent labor voices addressing national educational policy. So why is a blue-collar union speaking up--what are its goals in addressing issues such as financial transparency, endowment investment, executive compensation and board conflicts of interest? The answer to this question has two parts. First, the union cares because higher education is one of the few remaining paths for working people to secure a decent future for their children. It never has been an absolute guarantee of economic success, as most recent graduates have learned--but it is a chance. Second, the union cares because colleges and universities, at least in New England, have historically been some of the last outposts for good jobs and a hedge against recession. Colleges and universities remain critically important to a free society and to the health of the communities in which they reside. But, increasingly, the nation is losing faith in the "direction" of higher education. Once seen as the best way to realize the American dream of upward mobility--a mission willingly supported by taxpayers--a college education now appears to be out of the economic reach of many Americans, and is growing more so every year. Colleges and universities need to refocus on their public mission and the common good. To do this, they must start talking to the 99%. A wide range of stakeholders--faculty, staff, administration, labor, students, alumni, parents, community--must join together in an honest but hard dialogue to forge an invigorated social compact. This dialogue will be meaningless without genuine transparency and accountability for "all" stakeholders. They must engage with each other to discern what it would take to restore trust in higher education institutions and to rebuild a shared vision for their joint future. (Contains 1 note.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

Related Items: Show Related Items

Full-Text Availability Options:

More Info:
Help | Tutorial Help Finding Full Text |  More Info:
Help Find in a Library |  Publisher's website