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Descriptors:
Equal Education; African American Students; Racial Segregation; White Students; Public Education; Federal Government; Access to Education; Civil Rights; Court Litigation; Minority Groups; Racial Discrimination; Expenditure per Student; Educational Finance; State Government; Local Government; Measurement Techniques; Federal Legislation; Educational Legislation; School Districts; Budgets; Resource Allocation

Abstract:
In 1954 the Supreme Court declared that public education is "a right which must be made available to all on equal terms." That landmark decision in "Brown v. Board of Education" stood for the proposition that the federal government would no longer allow states and municipalities to deny equal educational opportunity to a historically oppressed racial minority. Ruling unanimously, the justices overturned the noxious concept that "separate" education could ever be "equal." Yet today, nearly 60 years later, our schools remain separate and unequal. Almost 40 percent of black and Hispanic students attend schools where more than 90 percent of students are nonwhite. The average white student attends a school where 77 percent of his or her peers are also white. Schools today are "as segregated as they were in the 1960s before busing began." We are living in a world in which schools are patently separate. In "Brown" the Court focused on the detrimental impact of legal separation--the fact that official segregation symbolized and reinforced the degraded status of blacks in America. Today's racial separation in schools may not have the formal mandate of local law, but it just as surely reflects and reinforces lingering status differences between whites and nonwhites by enabling a system of public education funding that shortchanges students of color. Separate will always be unequal. But just how unequal is the education we offer our students of color today? This paper answers this question using one small but important measure--per-pupil state and local spending. This fraction of spending is certainly not the only useful measure of educational opportunity. How we spend our money is perhaps more important. But newly released data give us the opportunity to shed new light, specifically on inequity in spending from state and local sources. The new dataset is appended. (Contains 5 tables, 7 figures and 76 endnotes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Political Power; Peace; Governance; Power Structure; Correlation; Conflict; Voting; Politics; Case Studies; Conflict Resolution; Public Service; Political Attitudes

Abstract:
Which components of power sharing contribute to the duration of peace and what explains the linkages between institutional design and stability? The authors argue that certain types of political power sharing are associated with more durable peace than others, primarily through their positive effects on governance and public service delivery. In particular, closed-list proportional representation (PR) electoral systems stand out among power-sharing arrangements, due to their ability to deliver superior governance outcomes which, in turn, can promote stability by undercutting the initial motivations for conflict or by reducing the feasibility of rebellion. The authors argue that these positive outcomes result from closed-list PR's ability to increase party discipline and checks on executive power, while reducing incentives for personalistic voting. The introduction of political institutions in postconflict negotiated settlements allows us to test the independent effects of institutions on governance and stability using survival analysis and a case study. (Contains 2 figures, 5 tables, and 23 notes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
School Segregation; Racial Segregation; Boards of Education; Trustees; Housing; Court Litigation; Power Structure; Letters (Correspondence); Mexican Americans; Case Studies; Neighborhoods; Educational History

Abstract:
To introduce their examination of the social production of segregated space and power relations in Oxnard, California from 1934 to 1954, the authors utilize portions of a letter written by Alice Shaffer, April 21, 1938, to the Oxnard School Board of Trustees. Shaffer outlines the seemingly shared concerns of her neighbors about a disruption of the separate social and academic worlds established for Whites and Mexicans. As she urges the board to endorse residential and school segregation, she demonstrates the inextricable link between these two pervasive and persistent forms of racial discrimination. The authors analyze this interconnection between housing and education in Oxnard from 1934, when the trustees' minutes first mention school segregation, through 1954, after the second U.S. Supreme Court ruling challenging racially restrictive housing covenants and the landmark decision declaring segregated schools unconstitutional. Their analysis demonstrates that the trustees designed segregated schools to correspond with the very same racially identifiable residential spaces they themselves helped create. With this historical case study, the authors seek to document the ways housing and school segregation became interconnected "by design." (Contains 118 footnotes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Federal Government; Legislators; Federal Legislation; Constitutional Law; Debate; Rhetoric; Voting; Civil Rights; Females; Feminism; United States History; Race; Immigrants; Politics

Abstract:
Through its analysis of the rhetorical means by which the US Congress overcame jurisdictional objections to federal action on the issue of woman suffrage, this essay argues that the stasis of jurisdiction operates as a mode of assemblage of discourses, institutions, and populations. In Congress, the woman suffrage issue helped re-organize federal and state prerogatives over the management of racial and ethnic relations at home and US leadership abroad. Thus, from a governmental perspective women did not emerge as constituents but as tools of public policy. As a legislative precedent, the 19th Amendment debates prompt critical attention to the particular constraints that the discourses of state institutions pose for feminist political change. (Contains 84 notes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Females; Educational Attainment; Counselors; Content Analysis; Psychology; Career Counseling; Mexican Americans; Case Studies; Interviews; Correlation; Self Determination; Personal Autonomy; Power Structure; Social Networks

Abstract:
Using Blustein's (2006) psychology of working and Hackman and Oldham's (1975) job characteristics theory, the authors investigated the job attribute preferences of Mexican American women with low educational attainment. They used content analysis to code and analyze the interview transcripts of 27 women. The most valued job attributes were not only those associated with survival and power but also those that incorporated aspects of social connection and self-determination, including autonomy, the opportunity to help others, the opportunity to use one's existing abilities, and the opportunity to learn. Understanding the preferences of this group of women can help career counselors and managers to be more effective in working with these women. (Contains 1 table.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS); Sex Education; Citizenship; Intimacy; Foreign Countries; Homosexuality; Sexuality; Emotional Experience; Gender Discrimination; Resource Materials; Postmodernism; Visual Literacy; Justice; Civil Rights; Educational Policy; Feminism; Teaching Methods; Religion; Political Attitudes; Human Body; Drama; Minority Groups; African Americans; Politics; Activism; Cultural Pluralism

Abstract:
With germinal texts, new writings, and related art, "Sexualities in Education: A Reader" illuminates a broad scope of analysis and organization. Composed of a framing essay and nine sections edited by established and emerging scholars and addressing critical topics for researchers and students of sexualities and education, the text provides a timely overview of sexualities considered through a variety of educational lenses and theoretical frameworks. Threads woven throughout include visual, literary, and performing arts; youth perspectives; and an emphasis on justice work in education. The volume provides entry points for students and practitioners at a range of levels. Research-based articles, essays, interviews, poetry and ready-to-reproduce visual materials from the Americas, Europe, and Asia are linked to a resource section to facilitate deep learning, on-going investigation, and informed action. Contents include: (1) Introduction: Love, Labor, and Learning--Yours in the Struggle (Therese Quinn and Erica R. Meiners); (2) Introduction: Bending the Terrain--Queer and Justice Issues Infiltrate the Education Map (Connie E. North); (3) From Here to Queer: Mapping Sexualities in Education (Elizabeth J. Meyer); (4) Sweatshop-Produced Rainbow Flags and Participatory Patriarchy: Why the Gay Rights Movement Is a Sham (Mattilda Bernstein Sycamore); (5) Differences and Divisions: Social Inequality in Sex Education Debates and Policies (Jessica Fields); (6) Pedagogy and the Sista' Professor: Teaching Black Queer Feminist Studies through the Self (Mel Michelle Lewis); (7) Introduction--Society Can Only Be as Free and Open as Its Schools (Lucy Bailey and Karen Graves); (8) How Sweet It Is! (Jackie M. Blount); (9) The Religious Right and Public Education: The Paranoid Politics of Homophobia (Catherine A. Lugg); (10) "We're Here and We're Fabulous": Contemporary U.S.-American LGBT Youth Activism (Warren J. Blumenfeld); (11) Introduction: Teaching as Whole Self (Isabel Nunez); (12) White Trash: Manifesting the Bisexual (Carolyn Pajor Ford); (13) Apple Jumper, Teacher Babe, and Bland Uniformer Teachers: Fashioning Feminine Teacher Bodies (Becky Atkinson); (14) Bound and Gagged: Sexual Silences, Gender Conformity, and the Gay Male Teacher (Eric Rofes); (15) Knot a Love Story (Jane Gallop); (16) Paper Machete (Coya Paz Brownrigg); (17) Introduction: Schooling Students in Gender and Sexuality Expectations (Darla Linville); (18) Walking the Line: Teaching, Being, and Thinking Sexuality in Elementary School (Erica M. Boas); (19) Becoming Mr. Cougar: Institutionalizing Heterosexuality and Homophobia at River High (C.J. Pascoe); (20) The Right Way to Be Gay: How School Structures Sexual Inequality (Kathleen O. Elliott); (21) Virtual, Welcoming, Queer, School Community: An Interview with Dave Glick (Darla Linville); (22) Introduction: Realidadesrealities, Palabraswords, yand Estudiosstudies: LGBTQIQ Youth in Schools (Jillian Ford); (23) Queer and Transgender Youth: Education and Liberation in Our Schools (Anneliese A. Singh and Ken Jackson); (24) "Being Queer Is the Luckiest Thing": Investigating a New Generation's Use of Queer within Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer (LGBTQ) Student Groups (Jane Bryan Meek); (25) Let Me in! The Impact of the Discourse of Impossibility on Research and Curricular (Re)formation (Sandra J. Schmidt); (26) Introduction: Crossing Borders (Jukka Lehtonen); (27) Citizenship and Sexuality: What Do We Mean by "Citizenship"? (Diane Richardson); (28) What's Queer Got to Do with It? Interrogating Nationalism and Imperialism (Roland Sintos Coloma); (29) Under Construction: Sexualities in Rural Spaces (Jay Poole and C.P. Gause); (30) LGBT, to Be or Not to Be? Education about Sexual Preferences and Gender Identities Worldwide (Peter Dankmeijer); (31) Sexuality, Secularism, and the Nation--Reading Swedish School Policies (Irina Schmitt); (32) Drama Performances Address Stigma, Discrimination of MSM and HIV/AIDS Prevention (Silja Rajander and Phal Sophat); (33) Yogyakarta Principles--For the Rights of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender People (Jukka Lehtonen); (34) Introduction: Another Telling Representational Effect (Karyn Sandlos); (35) Queer Pedagogy and Its Strange Techniques (Deborah P. Britzman); (36) Making the AIDS Ghostwriters Visible (Francisco Ibanez-Carrasco); (37) "A Different Idea" in the Sex Education Curriculum: Thinking Through the Emotional Experience of Sexuality (Brian Casemore); (38) Christmas Effects (Eve Sedgwick); (39) Feel Tank (Lauren Berlant); (40) Introduction: Educating to Affirm Life: Sexuality, Politics, and Education (Angel Rubiel Gonzalez); (41) Queer Youth of Color Organizing for Safe & Affirming Education (Sam Finkelstein, Lucky Mosqueda, Adrian Birrueta, and Eric Kitty); (42) Education in the Streets: ACT UP, Emotion, and New Modes of Being (Deborah B. Gould); (43) A Rainbow in Black: The Gay Politics of the Black Panther Party (Ronald K. Porter); (44) Who Is Asian? Representing a Panethnic Continent in Community Activism (Alan Wong); (45) Gender Sovereignty (Sendolo Diaminah); (46) Resource Guide for Educators (Tim Barnett); and (47) Teaching Sexuality and Relationships Education in Multicultural Classrooms in the Netherlands (Daphne van de Bongar). Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Adolescents; Foreign Countries; Social Control; Democracy; Young Adults; Political Power; Activism; Citizen Participation; Advisory Committees; Qualitative Research; Politics; Criticism; Socialization

Abstract:
This article provides a critical examination of a common form of adult attempts to promote civic engagement among young people, namely, youth advisory councils. While youth councils have been widely celebrated as an effective way to integrate young people into political processes, little research has explored why some politically active youth choose to leave, or refuse to join, youth councils. Based on two qualitative studies of politically active teens throughout North and Latin America, the authors argue that teenage activists possess valuable dissident knowledge of, and critical perspectives on, the potential for youth advisory councils to promote youth political power. We argue that young activists understand democracy in ways that are fundamentally different from that offered to them by youth councils. Youth activists put forth a theory of democracy that emphasizes authority and impact, not just voice; they understand democracy as representing collective concerns and perceive youth councils as elitist and nonrepresentative; and they emphasize the value of controversy and contentious politics while expressing anxiety that youth councils can function as modes of social control that tame and channel youth dissent, rather than opportunities to foster youth political power. Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Foreign Countries; Human Capital; Educational Attainment; Outcomes of Education; Cost Effectiveness; Education Work Relationship; Health; Child Health; Spouses; Infant Mortality; Mortality Rate; Birth Rate; Parent Background; Cognitive Development; Psychological Patterns; Efficiency; Work Environment; Lifelong Learning; Citizen Participation; Civil Rights; Politics; Poverty; Crime; Conservation (Environment)

Abstract:
This paper estimates the effects of human capital skills largely created through education on life's chances over the life cycle. Qualifications as a measure of these skills affect earnings, and schooling affects private and social non-market benefits beyond earnings. Private non-market benefits include better own-health, child health, spousal health, infant mortality, longevity, fertility, household efficiency, asset management and happiness. Social benefits include increased democratisation, civil rights, political stability, reduced crime, lower prison, health and welfare costs, and new ideas. Individual benefits enhance community-wide development. New "narrow" social rates of return using UK Labour Force earnings correct for institutional costs, longitudinal trends and ability. The paper's objective, however, is to estimate these earnings plus non-market outcomes comprehensively without overlaps and also relative to costs. Non-market outcomes are measured by averaging regression coefficients from published studies that meet scientific standards. New UK "narrow" social rates of return average 12.1 per cent for short-cycle and 13.6 per cent for bachelor's programmes. Augmented with non-market effects on life chances, they are over twice that. Short degrees are found effective for regional development and have potential for developing countries. (Contains 2 figures, 3 tables, and 9 notes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Indigenous Populations; Females; Educational Quality; Foreign Countries; Self Determination; Politics; Interviews; Racial Bias; Feminism; High School Students; Disadvantaged; Role; Secondary School Students; Suburban Schools; Justice

Abstract:
This paper presents data from a study of secondary school for girls, the majority of whom identify as Indigenous Australian. "Gamarada" High School is located in a suburban area of Queensland (Australia) and was established to provide quality education for disadvantaged girls. The paper draws on student and teacher interview data from a broader study that was concerned with examining how the school addressed the economic, cultural and political dimensions of Indigenous girls' disadvantage. The focus here is on issues of political justice in relation to Indigenous representation and, more specifically, how such representation at the school supports the key Indigenous equity priority of self-determination. Feminist post-colonial theories are drawn on to argue the importance of educators engaging with a politics of representation that initiates theory from the social location of Indigenous experience, reflects an anti-racist/anti-colonial agenda and recognises and values the central role relationality plays in Indigenous lives. (Contains 2 notes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Activism; Mexican Americans; Social Change; Political Power; United States History; Power Structure; Anglo Americans; Court Litigation; Cooperation

Abstract:
This article is a quick overview of the Chicano Movement (CM) with specific analyses of the five major strategies employed by its adherents to effect social change. The CM was a social movement that occurred in the United States with increased activity in the southwest and midwest during a time frame: 1950s to 1980s. Persons of Mexican ancestry residing in the U.S. were its participants and self-identified as Chicanos. The term "Chicano" stems from the ancient Nahuatl language of the Meshica (Meh Shee Ka) peoples, also known as the Aztecs. "Shicano" is a shortened version of "Meshicano"; later pronunciation changed to Chicano and, for some in spelling, Xicano. As a social movement, the CM had as its ultimate goals the acquisition of political power with which to change the power relations between them and the Euro-Americans, also known as the Anglos. (Contains 11 notes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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