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Descriptors:
Equal Education; Achievement Gap; Charter Schools; Evidence; School Choice; School Desegregation; Racial Segregation; Social Integration; Desegregation Methods; Desegregation Plans; Social Change; Social Class; Metropolitan Areas; Suburban Schools; Urban Schools; School Restructuring; Racial Discrimination; Federal Government; Government Role; Race; Educational Policy; Politics of Education

Abstract:
Despite the growing ideological divisions, there has been a surprising political convergence on some issues related to urban policy, social services, and housing. From the spread of charter schools and school choice to the expansion of home ownership through financial deregulation, it is apparent that liberals and conservatives agree. Yet these points of agreement hide or exacerbate racial and economic segregation, and geographically concentrate its deleterious consequences. The Obama Administration's embrace of urban charter schools and school choice is emblematic of this convergence, yet in fact, charter schools are even more segregated than regular public schools. Despite lack of evidence of their efficacy, and strong empirical support for benefits of school integration, Administration officials fail to describe the achievement gap as a reflection of metropolitan segregation. Establishing racially homogenous charter schools in urban neighborhoods, even where charter schools are successful, is but the latest example of what George Romney's allies dismissed as "gilding the ghetto." George Romney had a better approach. He understood that the suburbs themselves must be desegregated so that disadvantaged children could attend predominantly middle class schools in their own neighborhoods. He was defeated in his efforts, and partly because of this defeat, the achievement gap between black and white children has not narrowed nearly as much as it might have done in the last half century. It is unlikely to narrow much further without revisiting the imperative of residential integration in the metropolitan areas. (Contains 126 endnotes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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School Desegregation; Educational Policy; School Districts; Student Diversity; Race; Socioeconomic Status; Desegregation Plans; School Choice; Voluntary Desegregation; Desegregation Litigation; Program Implementation; Policy Formation; Case Studies

Abstract:
The decision handed down by the U.S. Supreme Court in "Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1" (2007) has forced school districts to begin thinking of new ways to integrate their schools without relying on race as the single factor in their assignment plans. While some school districts already have begun to implement race-neutral student assignments, others are just beginning the process and are looking to plans that have been able to maintain diversity despite the new limitations being placed on them. In an effort to understand factors critical in shaping racial and socioeconomic diversity in school districts given the new requisite limitations, this study examined the relationship between the design, context, and implementation of three different integration plans that rely on voluntary choice and socioeconomic status (SEAS). The findings suggest that geographic and political contexts matter in the shaping and adoption of integration plans based on voluntary choice and SES. Suggestions are offered to help maintain integration given the local sociopolitical context of the school districts. (Contains 3 footnotes and 3 tables.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Evidence; Police; Federal Courts; Law Enforcement; Court Litigation; Search and Seizure; Instructional Design; Constitutional Law; Addictive Behavior; Legal Responsibility

Abstract:
On December 21, 1911, Fremont Weeks, an employee of the Adams Express Company, was arrested while on the job at Union Station in Kansas City, Missouri. Police suspected that Weeks was selling and "transmitting chances" in a lottery, which at the time was considered gambling, an illegal action in Missouri. While Weeks was being held at the police station, Police officers went to his residence and seized items, without a search warrant, and turned over the evidence to U.S. Marshal A.J. Martin. Based on the evidence taken by the law enforcement officials, Weeks was indicted on charges of gambling and using the U.S. Postal Service to distribute chances in a lottery. As a result of the evidence used during the trial, Weeks was found guilty by the jury of illegal gambling. "Weeks v. The United States" was argued before the Supreme Court on December 2-3, 1913. The question of interest to the Court was whether or not the evidence seized from Weeks's residence without a search warrant was a violation of the Fourth Amendment. The Court decided to overturn Weeks's conviction by a unanimous vote, not because he was innocent of the charges but because the evidence that had been used to convict him had been obtained without a search warrant and was thus a violation of the Fourth Amendment protecting him against unreasonable searches and seizures. The Supreme Court decision banning illegally obtained evidence in federal court serves as a point of entry for the study of search warrants and the Fourth Amendment. Teaching suggestions for the study of search warrants and the Fourth Amendment are presented. Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Public Schools; School Districts; School Desegregation; School Resegregation; Enrollment; Desegregation Plans; Desegregation Litigation

Abstract:
In this paper, we investigate whether the school desegregation produced by court-ordered desegregation plans persists when school districts are released from court oversight. Over 200 medium-sized and large districts were released from desegregation court orders from 1991 to 2009. We find that racial school segregation in these districts increased gradually following release from court order, relative to the trends in segregation in districts remaining under court order. These increases are more pronounced in the South, in elementary grades, and in districts where prerelease school segregation levels were low. These results suggest that court-ordered desegregation plans are effective in reducing racial school segregation, but that their effects fade over time in the absence of continued court oversight. (Contains 3 figures, 17 footnotes, and 4 tables.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Records (Forms); Discourse Analysis; Victims; Police; Sexual Abuse; Interpersonal Relationship; Credibility; Court Litigation; Law Enforcement; Counties; Foreign Countries

Abstract:
This study investigated the social construction of domestic abuse by police officers, specifically in the context of arguments presented to the prosecutor for a decision on whether to proceed with or discontinue the case. Nineteen police files were examined with a particular focus on the MG3, the "Report to Crown Prosecutors for Charging Decision." Access to such sensitive material is usually denied to researchers; therefore, this study offers unusual insights into the treatment of victims and perpetrators of interpersonal violence by the police. Discourse analysis revealed three dominant speech genres: impartiality, credibility, and the "real" victim. These genres separately and in interaction served to construct domestic abuse cases in ways that did not support the victim's account. The "dialogic reverberations" of these findings are discussed and the implications of the work for research and practice are considered. (Contains 5 extracts and 2 notes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Injuries; Family Violence; Longitudinal Studies; Intimacy; Aggression; Law Enforcement; Court Litigation; Police; Program Effectiveness; Comparative Analysis; Females

Abstract:
The objective of this study was to measure the efficacy of protection orders (POs) in reducing assault and injury-related outcomes using a matched comparison group and tracking outcomes over time. This study was a retrospective review of police, emergency department, family court, and prosecutor administrative records for a cohort of police-involved female IPV victims; all events over a 4-year study period were abstracted. Victims who obtained POs were compared with a propensity-score-based match group without POs over three time periods: Before, During, and After the issuance of a PO. Having a PO in place was associated with significantly more calls to police for nonassaultive incidents and more police charging requests that were of multiple-count and felony-level. Comparing outcomes, PO victims had police incident rates that were more than double the matched group prior to the PO but dropped to the level of the matched group during and after the order. ED visits dropped over time for both groups. This study confirmed the protective effect of POs, which are associated with reduced police incidents and emergency department visits both during and after the order and reduced police incidents compared with a matched comparison group. (Contains 2 tables and 1 figure.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Police; Statistical Analysis; Local Government; Longitudinal Studies; Political Influences; Political Power; Socioeconomic Influences; Predictor Variables; Job Analysis; Job Performance; Organizational Culture; Mail Surveys; Census Figures; Demography; Unemployment; Case Records; Crime; Crime Prevention; Models; Law Enforcement

Abstract:
A variety of theories have emerged that offer plausible explanations, one from the political institutional perspective and others from sociological perspective. There has been renewed interest in the effect of local political structure on police strength in the policing literature. The purpose of this study, therefore, is to assess the two main competing approaches that can explain variation in police employment across cities. The authors used a longitudinal data set collected from the same 280 cities in 1993, 1996, 2000, and 2003. A two-way fixed-effects panel model, used in the statistical analysis, indicates that the political culture approach, which focuses on local government structures, largely fails to contribute to the variation of police strength. The alternative socioeconomic approach better predicts police force levels across U.S. municipal police departments. (Contains 2 tables and 12 notes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Prevention; Safety; Public Health; Alcohol Abuse; Definitions; Clinical Diagnosis; Citations (References); Private Sector; Caregivers; Young Adults; Youth; Drinking; Late Adolescents; Legal Responsibility; Individual Characteristics; Government Role; Federal Government; State Surveys; Law Enforcement; Federal Legislation; Policy Formation; State Government; Local Government; Parent Participation; School Role; Public Sector

Abstract:
In 2010, alcohol was once again the substance of choice among American youth. In fact, a greater proportion of American young people use alcohol than use other drugs or tobacco, and this use of alcohol by youth under the legal drinking age of 21 has profound negative consequences not just for underage drinkers, but also for their families, their communities, and society as a whole. Despite the modest progress made in recent years, underage drinking remains a serious public health and public safety problem. This Report to Congress, like the Reports before it, summarizes the status of the latest scientific research regarding adolescent alcohol use, describes the characteristics and consequences of underage drinking, and outlines the comprehensive efforts of the Federal Government to address the problem. It also updates and expands the individual state reports, which were first introduced in last year's Report. This year, a survey of all 50 States and the District of Columbia was conducted to collect valuable information about State-supported underage prevention and enforcement activities, programs, and policies. These individual State reports, which were mandated by the STOP Act, provide a valuable resource for Federal, State, and local policy makers, community coalitions, and others interested in addressing underage alcohol use. While the Federal Government has an important role to play in addressing underage drinking, it is clear that we as a country will not succeed without a concerted and informed effort by all of the nation's citizens and at all levels of government. The information provided in this Report can serve as an important tool in that effort. By addressing underage drinking in all of the environments in which youth live--family, school, communities, healthcare systems, and religious institutions--the country can change the way that young people and their parents view underage drinking and create an environment in which underage alcohol use is understood as a serious public health and public safety problem, not a culturally ingrained rite of passage. This Report emphasizes that such change requires a national effort involving parents and other caregivers, educational systems, the public and private sector, concerned individuals and organizations throughout the country, and all levels of government. Appended are: (1) Surveys; (2) Definitions of Variables; (3) State Report Citations; (4) ICCPUD Members; (5) Caffeinated Alcoholic Beverages; (6) DSM-IV-TR Diagnostic Criteria for Alcohol Abuse and Dependence; (7) Abbreviations; and (8) References. (Contains 114 exhibits and 59 footnotes.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Prenatal Care; Self Esteem; Court Litigation; Pregnancy; Psychopathology; Foreign Countries; Defense Mechanisms; Homicide; Neonates; Correlation; Prevention; Qualitative Research; Statistical Analysis; Mothers; Police; Law Enforcement; Contraception; Personality Problems; Interpersonal Communication; Interpersonal Relationship; Rejection (Psychology); Generalization; Social Support Groups

Abstract:
Objectives: Using judicial files on neonaticides, (1) to examine the frequency of the association between neonaticide and denial of pregnancy; (2) to assess the accuracy of the concept of denial of pregnancy; (3) to examine its usefulness in programs to prevent neonaticides. Methods: Quantitative and qualitative analyses of data collected from judicial files during a population-based study carried out in 26 courts in 3 regions of France over a 5-year period. Results: There were 32 cases of neonaticides identified; 24, perpetrated by 22 mothers, were solved by police investigation. Aged 26 years on average, the mothers had occupations that resembled those of the general population and 17 had jobs, 13 were multiparous and 11 lived in a couple relationship. No effective contraception was used by women in 20 cases. Psychopathology was rare but mothers shared a personality profile marked by immaturity, dependency, weak self esteem, absence of affective support, psychological isolation and poor communication with partners. No pregnancy was registered nor prenatal care followed. Two (perhaps 3) pregnancies were undiscovered until delivery. No typical denial of pregnancy was observed in the other cases. Pregnancies were experienced in secrecy, with conflicting feelings of desire and rejection of the infant and an inability to ask for help. Those around the mothers, often aware of the pregnancy, offered none. In the absence of parallel clinical data, it is not possible to calculate the frequency of the association between neonaticide and denial of pregnancy. Conclusions: The term "denial of pregnancy" cannot fully reflect the complexity of emotions and feelings felt by all perpetrators of neonaticide and is used differently by different professionals. The term itself and its excessive generalization contribute to pathologizing women while absolving those around them and has little operational value in preventing neonaticides. The authors suggest rethinking the terms presently used to describe the phenomenon of pregnancy denial. (Contains 1 table.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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Descriptors:
Law Enforcement; Internet; Children; Crime; Court Litigation; Police; Victims of Crime; Criminals; Social Services; Intervention; At Risk Persons; Youth; Sexuality; Pornography; Gender Differences; Racial Differences; Age Differences

Abstract:
This exploratory analysis examines the role of the Internet in juvenile prostitution cases coming to the attention of law enforcement. The National Juvenile Prostitution Study (N-JPS) collected information from a national sample of law enforcement agencies about the characteristics of juvenile prostitution cases. In comparison to non-Internet juvenile prostitution cases, Internet juvenile prostitution cases involved younger juveniles and police were more likely to treat juveniles as victims rather than offenders. In addition, these cases were significantly more likely to involve a family or acquaintance exploiter. This analysis suggests that the role of the Internet may impact legal and social service response to juveniles involved in prostitution. In addition, it highlights the need for interventions that acknowledge the vulnerabilities of youth involved in this type of commercial sexual exploitation. (Contains 3 tables.) Note:The following two links are not-applicable for text-based browsers or screen-reading software. Show Hide Full Abstract

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